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1. According to Wright, faithful Mormons cannot "in good conscience support the official tenets and substantiated agenda of the Democratic party." Greg Burton, "A SMALL TENT: Lawmaker Says No Room for Demos in LDS," Salt Lake Tribune (October 27, 2000); AP Story, Nov. 2, 1999; available online at the excellent "LDS Democrats Online" site (LDS Democrats Online). Of course, Wright was continuing a tradition among politically conservative Mormons; while he was an apostle, Ezra Taft Benson reportedly made similar statements. D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Extensions of Power (SLC: Signature Books, 1997), 69-72. Other General Authorities, however, criticized Benson for these statements. In response to Benson, Hugh B. Brown, a member of the First Presidency, said that a Mormon "can be a Democrat or a Socialist and still be a good church member." Ibid. The surprising thing is not that Brown would say such a thing, but that in Mormon culture such a thing would need to be said.

2. Nick Anderson, "House Kills Worker Ergonomics Rules," Los Angeles Times, March 8, 2001, p. 12.

3. For many of these issues, see below. Bush's tax cut is an example of his lack of interest in seeking serious compromise with Democrats, given that he had a Republican-controlled House and Senate when he came into office.

4. See James M. Jeffords, My Declaration of Independence (NY: Simon & Schuster, 2001), for Jeffords' own account of why he became an independent, caucasing with the Democrats.

5. An Abundant Life: The Memoirs of Hugh B. Brown, edited by Edwin B. Firmage (SLC: Signature Books, 1988), 16-18. Later, his grandson, a Republican raised in a strong Republican home, asked Brown why he was a Democrat. "Eddie," he said, "I'm a Democrat because I believe that party is more sensitive to the poor."

6. Zadok Knapp Judd, Jr., Autobiography, typescript, USHS. For further on the troubled Kanab United Order, see Leonard Arrington, Feramorz Y. Fox, and Dean L. May, Building the City of God: Community and Cooperation among the Mormons, 2nd ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 225-64.

7. See F.W. Young, "Wealth," in Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, 4 vol. (Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1962), 4:818-19. According to Young, the Old Testament warns against wealth, but shows that the righteous can be wealthy, when blessed by God. But the New Testament "lays added emphasis on its [wealth's] dangers." While wealth is not condemned per se, "there is a strong pessimism over the possibility of its being a blessing rather than a demonic snare to man."

8. Mk 10:25 and parallels.

9. See Joseph A. Fitzmyer, The Gospel According to Luke, Anchor Bible series, 2 vols. (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1982) 2:1204.

10. See also Isaiah 10:1-2.

11. Letter to Edward Carrington, Jan. 16, 1787, quoted from John Balzar, "Executives Get Rich, Workers Get Peanuts," in Los Angeles Times (July 29, 2001), Opinion Section, M5.

12. "First Report of the Commissioners: Mines," in British Parliamentary Papers, 11 vols. (London: Clowes and Sons, 1842; repr. Shannon, Ireland: Irish University Press, 1968), 6:255-58, as cited in Hugh Nibley, Approaching Zion, ed. by Don Norton (SLC: Deseret Book, 1989) 243-45.

13. (New York: Random House, 1990). In a 1990 interview, Phillips said, "Well, my sense is that if you go back and you look at the history of the Republican Party -- and I don't think I sufficiently appreciated this back in 1967 or '68 -- that it's taken power in some of the great cycles of American history. It's taken power for broad-based reasons: in 1860 with Lincoln in the Civil War; in 1896 when William McKinley fought back the William Jennings Bryan challenge; and then in 1968 when the country was, really, in some ways on the verge of disintegrating from riots in the cities, riots on the campus, a Southern sectional movement led by George Wallace. And the Republican Party has played a kind of nationalizing role. It's kept things together during these particular periods. But once it's been in for 10, 12, more years than that, what we see is that it tends to, I think, get it too close to upper-bracket economics, a kind of capitalist heyday, and it does too much for the people at the top and it loses sight of the people at the bottom. And I think the 1980s have had a lot of that." Phillips interview .

14. Arrington, et al., Building the City of God, xii. See also, James Lucas and Warner P. Woodworth, Working Toward Zion: Principles of the United Order for the Modern World (SLC: Aspen Books, 1996).

15. Gary James Bergera and Ron Priddis, Brigham Young University: A House of Faith (SLC: Signature Books, 1985), 221 (for the United Order as purportedly a "free market system"); see also 223-25 and Quinn, Extensions, 66-115.

16. Arrington and May are extremely emphatic on this point. After citing two books that seek to show that the United Order was compatible with capitalism, they write, at p. xii, "Virtually every line of Building the City of God offers evidence to the contrary."

17. For a classic showdown between Republican and Democratic philosophies centering around the minimum wage, see Jim Wright, Balance of Power: Presidents and Congress from the Era of McCarthy to the Age of Gingrich (Atlanta: Turner Publishing, Inc., 1996), 487-88. In 1989 Speaker of the House Wright and Democrats, joined with many Republicans, passed a law providing for the minimum wage to rise in incremental steps rom $3.35 to $4.55 by 1992. President George Bush, Sr. who had recently proposed "a cut in the capital gains tax rate" which would award the top one per cent most wealthy Americans $30,000 each, vetoed the minimum wage increase bill.

18. Natalie Gott, "Teachers health insurance bill gets governor's OK," an Associated Press story dated June 17, 2001 (Teachers health insurance bill ) which begins, "Texas will for the first time help pay for health insurance for public school employees through a $1.24 billion plan Gov. Rick Perry signed into law."

19. For the story of one Mormon who fought to help the cause of labor, see Esther Peterson and Winifred Conkling, Restless: The Memoirs of Labor and Consumer Activist Esther Peterson (Washington D.C.: Caring Publishers, 1995).

20. On this switch, see Michael Lind, Up From Conservatism: Why the Right is Wrong for America (NY: The Free Press, 1996), 121-37, who calls it "the most remarkable paradox in American history." One can go down the list of oddities: the Republican party originally was the Northern party. It originally was the central government party opposed to states' rights champions.

21. See Robert Dallek, Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and His Times 1961-1973 (NY/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 120; Lind, Up From Conservatism, 190.

22. Part of Republican Apostle Ezra Taft Benson's Birch Society-influenced conspiracy theory of American politics included an attack on the Civil Rights movement in America. See Quinn, Extensions, 78, 81, 83-85, 96-101, 113. Benson introduced segregationist hero George Wallace when Wallace spoke at the Tabernacle in Salt Lake, and Benson sought to become Wallace's Vice Presidential running mate when Wallace ran for President, though President McKay vetoed the idea. Meanwhile, it was Democrat Hugh B. Brown, in the First Presidency, who was an ardent supporter of civil rights for blacks and unsuccessfully fought behind the scenes for blacks to receive full priesthood rights, a tragic but moving story. See An Abundant Life, 142-43.

23. Joachim Jeremias, New Testament Theology (London: SCM, 1971), 118, 204-6; S. Scott Bartchy, "Table Fellowship with Jesus and the 'Lord's Meal' at Corinth," in Robert J. Owens, Jr., and Barbara Hamm, eds., Increase in Learning: Essays in Honor of James G. Van Buren (Manhattan, KS: Manhattan Christian College, 1979), 45-61.

24. This statement shows that Ashcroft was very familiar with the magazine. Yet the Southern Partisan openly admires the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln: "For years Southern Partisan has celebrated the murder of Abraham Lincoln by selling T-shirts with Lincoln's image over the words "sic semper tyrannis" ("thus always to tyrants")-- John Wilkes Booth's cry just after shooting Lincoln. Timothy McVeigh was wearing this T-shirt when he was arrested for the Oklahoma City bombing. . . . New York Times, 6/3/1997." (as cited on the internet at On the Southern Partisan on Nov. 4, 2001). One Southern Partisan writer has defended slavery from a Biblical perspective: "Neither Jesus nor the apostles nor the early church condemned slavery, despite countless opportunities to do so, and there is no indication that slavery is contrary to Christian ethics or that any serious theologian before modern times ever thought it was." Samuel Francis, Southern Partisan, Third Quarter/1995, as cited at the above site. Southern Partisan writers have not limited their white supremacist philosophy to disparaging views of Negroes: "The tides of immigration turned negative: were characterized by the losers of political history . . . the Italians and the Irish . . . the dull-spirited and pagan, such as the Scandinavians . . . and by peoples to whom the tenets of our republic were altogether alien, such as the hieratic Jews. . . . Negroes, Asians and Orientals (is Japan the exception?); Hispanics, Latins and Eastern Europeans; have no temperament for democracy, never had, and probably never will..." Reid Buckley, Summer/1984, as cited at the above site. Republican idealogue from the religious right, Pat Buchanan, was a senior adviser to Southern Partisan. Partisan writers have predictably attacked the Emancipation Proclamation and the section of the U.S. Declaration of Independence that includes, "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." See quotations at the above site.


It was striking that when the issue of the Southern Partisan interview arose in Ashcroft's Senate confirmation hearings, he refused to criticize the magazine. (See Ashcroft at Senate hearings ).

25. Lind, Up From Conservatism, 190.

26. Nibley on the Timely and Timeless (Provo: BYU, Religious Studies Center, 1978), 85-99. See also Approaching Zion, 3, 159-62, 167, 366 (a quotation from President Kimball). Nibley lamented in 1986 that "At the first meeting of Congress under the present administration, it was declared that the delegation from Utah were the most anti-environmentalist in the nation." Ibid., 480, 471.

27. For a useful e-book on the Bible and the environment, see Bible and environment . See also Eugene C. Hargrove, Religion and Environmental Crisis (Athens: The University of George Press, 1986); Steven Bouma-Prediger, The Greening of Theology: The Ecological Models of Rosemary Radford Ruether, Joseph Sitter, and Jürgen Moltmann (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995); Robert Booth Fowler, The Greening of Protestant Thought (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995).

28. See his bestselling The Quiet Crisis (New York : Holt, Rinehart, 1963); reprinted as The Quiet Crisis and The Next Generation (SLC: Peregrine Smith Books, 1988). On the internet, see his website at Stewart Lee Udall: Advocate for the Planet Earth .

29. Douglas Jehl with Andrew C. Revkin, "Bush, in Reversal, Won't Seek Cut in Emissions of Carbon Dioxide," New York Times (March 14, 2001), Section 1, Page 1, 16. Elizabeth Shogren, "U-Turn on Emissions Shows Big Energy Clout," Los Angeles Times, March 15, 2001, section 1, page 1, 20. Elizabeth Shogren, "Bush Drops Pledge to Curb Emissions," Los Angeles Times (March 14, 2001), Section 1, Page 1, 11.

30. See the "A Special Report: The Words and Deeds of George W. Bush," The Green Elephant (Fall 2000), the newsletter for REP America, Republicans for Environmental Protection. REP America's Green Elephant .

31. "GOP Greens and Greenscammers," The Green Elephant, Summer 1998, REP America's Green Elephant .

32. "Bush Environment Jobs are Skewed to Business," Los Angeles Times (June 24, 2001).

33. Terry Tempest Williams, William B. Smart, and Gibbs M. Smith, eds. (SLC: Gibbs Smith, 1998).

34. See Dennis L. Lythgoe, Let 'Em Holler: A Political Biography of J. Bracken Lee (SLC: Utah State Historical Society, 1982), and id., "J. Bracken Lee," in Alan Kent Powell, Utah History Encyclopedia (SLC: University of Utah Press, 1994), 320: "His principal target for economy was education . . . and he soon made an enemy of almost every educator in the state." See Let ‘Em Holler, 92, 109-46.

35. Jeffords, My Declaration, 74-75, 41-43.

36. Marc Kaufman, "USA: Bush Cabinet Ties to Tobacco Lobby," The Washington Post (January 21, 2001), see Bush Ties to Tobacco . Though Ashcroft interestingly has refused to accept campaign money from tobacco companies, he has consistently voted for their interests. Bush Health and Human Services Secretary Tommy Thompson might have been handpicked by the tobacco industry: as governor, he worked closely with Philip Morris, a major employer in Wisconsin, and went on three overseas junkets paid for by Philip Morris, and including Philip Morris executives. (Thompson has denied that he knew the trips were financed by Philip Morris, but the presence of Philip Morris executives on the trips, and his thank you letters to Philip Morris executives, do not fit into this unlikely scenario.) Philip Morris, of course, was a major campaign contributor to Thompson. For the close links of the Republican party generally with the tobacco lobby, see "Tobacco PAC Contributions and 1998 Tobacco Votes: Senate Republican Leaders Kill Tobacco Bill: Hooked on Cash Crop," at the Public Citizen site, http://www.citizen.org/tobacco/mcpac.htm. The tables at this site show how consistently politicians who accepted large contributions from tobacco companies voted for tobacco interests.

37. See King Benjamin's sermon, Mosiah 2:21-25, which emphasizes God's gifts to us, and how we will always be servants who cannot repay the debt; the Sermon on the Mount, Matt. 6:24-34, which emphasizes how God gives us all (humans, birds, flowers) daily nourishment and covering. The idea that we are earning them ourselves is an illusion. Note also "Forgive us our debts, As we also have forgiven our debtors." Forgiving debts is not good economy. This part of the Lord's prayer requires us to receive and give free gifts.

38. "What Are People Asking About Us?" Ensign (Nov. 1998), 71.

39. The Church does not allow the Handbook to be distributed to the public, so I will make no conventional citation here, but one may contact a local church leader and ask for confirmation on this issue.

40. See Ellen Schrecker, Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1998).

41. Gingrich's method of operating has been characterized as "attack, attack, attack." See Wright, Balance of Power, 431-32, 485; Elizabeth Drew, Showdown: The Struggle Between the Gingrich Congress and the Clinton White House (NY: Simon & Schuster, 1996), 45; Joe Conason and Gene Lyons, Hunting the President: The Ten-Year Campaign to Destroy Bill and Hillary Clinton (NY: St. Martin's Press, 2000), 263, 129, 174.

42. See Duane M. Oldfield, The Right and the Righteous: The Christian Right Confronts the Republican Party (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 1996).

43. See Conason and Lyons, Hunting the President.

44. Paul Alexander, "The Rolling Stone Interview: John McCain," Rolling Stone (September 27, 2001). Steven Thomma and Ron Hutcheson, "McCain foes barrage voters with rumors: Attacks taking place out of media view," Knight Ridder Newspapers (February 16, 2000), accessed at Attacks on McCain .

45. For the history of party politics in twentieth-century Utah, see Thomas Alexander, "Political Patterns in Early Statehood, 1896-1919," "From War to Depression," F. Ross Peterson, "Utah Politics Since 1945," in Richard Poll, Thomas Alexander, et al., eds., Utah's History (Provo, UT: BYU Press, 1978), 409-28, 463-80, 515-30; Dean May, Utah: A People's History (SLC: University of Utah Press, 1987), 135-200 (with useful bibliographies); Thomas Alexander, Mormonism in Transition: A History of the Latter-day Saints, 1890-1930(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), 16-59; Quinn, Extensions, 66-115; 314-72; Bergera and Priddis, Brigham Young University, 173-226; Lythgoe, Let ‘Em Holler; Charles Peterson, Utah: A Bicentennial History (NY: W.W. Norton & Co., 1977), 161- 80. Peterson's generalizations about Utahns generally following the middle of the political road, true for earlier eras of the century, are not true of Utahns today.

46. I believe churches and church leaders should be involved in politics and should take political positions; but if they do so, they should let their positions stand in the marketplace of ideas, and not require their membership to vote a certain way. Probably the only way the Mormon church could do this would be by encouraging General Authorities to speak out on both sides of any political issue, even if the Church leadership elects to take a position on that issue. There are reasons why the LDS church would not want to do that (considering its emphasis on complete unity among church leaders), but unless it does so, it is mandating its members to vote a certain way.

47. "Party of One: Harry Reid is a Congressional Conglomeration," Salt Lake Tribune, (June 21, 1998), which can be accessed at the LDS Democrats Online site ( LDS Democrats Online ).

48. Marlin Jensen, interview with the Salt Lake Tribune (May 3, 1998) (available online at LDS Democrats Online ).

49. Sunstone 12:3 (May 1988), 22; reprinted in England's Making Peace: Personal Essays (SLC: Signature Books, 1995).

50. See Peterson, "Utah Politics Since 1945," 518.

51. Quinn, J. Reuben Clark, 68-69, 73-75, 78, 86-87; Brown, An Abundant Life, 16- 18.

52. On Grant, see further, Mormon Democrat: The Memoirs of James Henry Moyle, Gene Allred Sessions, ed. (SLC: Signature Books, 1998).

53. Kristen Smart Rogers, "'Another Good Man': Anthony W. Ivins and the Defeat of Reed Smoot," Utah Historical Quarterly 68.1 (Winter 2000): 55-75.

54. D. Craig Mikkelson, "The Politics of B.H. Roberts," Dialogue 9 (Summer 1974): 40-43.

55. Quinn, Extensions, 112. I'm not sure what kind of Democrat Packer is.

56. Quinn, Extensions, 112.

57. "In the Political Arena," Salt Lake Herald, Oct. 27, 1894, a clipping in Whitney's journal, available at the Mariott Library Special Collections, University of Utah.