"I know thy works, and
where thou dwellest, even where Satan’s seat is: and thou
holdest fast my name, and hast not denied my faith,"
&c.-Rev. 2:13.
1. This passage given by
John is so graphic of the situation and circumstances of the
NOVATIAN and PATERINE churches, that we are constrained to allow
it as expressive of the people of whom God took special
cognizance. If the man of sin is constituted by a succession
of popes, [Newton on the Prophecies, v. ii., pp. 88, 106] why
might not Antipas be represented by a succession of reforming
men, as opposers of the sinful system?--against the whole, antipa
or antipapacy. The error in explaining the revelations has been
in making one part of John’s vision speak a present history
of some churches, and a future history of others;+ though John
declares of the whole, the things were shortly "to come to
pass." Antipas, in the church of Pergamos, has confused
every literal exposition of the passage. In confirmation of this
view of this part, placed as a motto over the history of the
Paterines, it is obvious, that the two-edged sword was the only
weapon these people used: and this approved instrument of their
Lord, ver. 12, enabled Antipas to overcome.
In a previous section, we
have given the outlines of these suffering people, under the
denomination of Novationists, and endeavored to trace their
history till penal laws compelled them to retire into "caves
and dens," to worship God. While oppressed by the catholic
party, they obtained the name of Paterines; which means
sufferers, or what is nearly synonymous with our modern
acceptation of the word martyrs, [Allix’s Rem. on the
Anc. Ch. of Pied., ch. 3, p. 25; and Jones’s Hist. of
the Christ. Ch., v. ii., p. 107] and which indicated an
afflicted and poor people, trusting in the name of the Lord; and
which name was, in a great measure, restricted to the dissenters
of Italy, where it was as common as the Albigenses in the south
of France, or Waldenses in Piedmont.
We left off our narrative of
the Novatianists at the end of the sixth century; yet it is very
evident Dissenters continued in Italy, as is proved by the
complaints of the clergy [Rob. Res. p. 408]; which point is ceded
to us by Dr. Mosheim. [Mosh. Hist. Cent. 12, pt. 2, ch. 5, ~ 4,
note] "It was by means of the Paterines," says Dr.
Allix, "that the truth was preserved in the dioceses of
Milan and Turin." [Allix’s Rem. Pied., Ch., oh. 19, p.
175] These churches, it would appear, were aided and resuscitated
in the seventh century, since Gibbon asserts that the sentiments
and doctrines of the Paulicians were propagated at Rome and
Milan. [Ro. Hist. ch. 54] And we are informed by Bonizo, bishop
of Sutrium, that the Paterines arose, or became more conspicuous,
during Stephen II’s pontificate. [Allix’s Id., ch. 14,
p. 124]
3. "The public
religion of the Paterines consisted of nothing but social prayer,
reading and expounding the gospels, baptism once, and the
Lord’s supper as often as convenient. Italy was full of such
Christians, which bore various names, from various causes. They
said a Christian church ought to consist of only good people: a
church had no power to frame any constitutions, i.e., make laws;
it was not right to take oaths; it was not lawful to kill
mankind, nor should he be delivered up to the officers of justice
to be converted; faith alone could save a man; the benefit of
society belonged to all its members; the church ought not to
persecute; the law of Moses was no rule for Christians." The
Catholics of those times baptized by immersion;* the Paterines,
therefore, in all their branches, made no complaint of the action
of baptism; but when they were examined, they objected vehemently
against the baptism of infants, and condemned it as an error.
[Rob. Bap. p. 211, where authorities are quoted largely]
[* Note. In 754, Stephen,
bishop of Rome, was requested, by some monks who privately
consulted him, to say, whether in case of illness baptism by
pouring could be lawful. He was the first who gave the opinion of
its validity, which consequently became authentic law for
administering the baptism by pouring. Rob. Bap. pp. 128-9.]
They are also freed from
the baneful charge of Manicheism; [Dr. Allix’s Pied.,
ch. 18, and Dr. Jortin’s Rem. on Ecc. Hist. vol. v., p. 53]
and are not taxed with any immorality, but were condemned for
virtuous rules of action, which all in power accounted heresy. At
different periods, and from various causes, these Baptists
considerably increased. Those of their churches where baptism was
administered, were known by the name of baptismal churches; and
to such churches all the Christians in the vicinage flocked for
baptism. When Christianity spread into the country, the people
met for worship where they could, but all candidates came up to
the baptismal church to receive the ordinance. In time
baptisteries were built in the country, and, like the old ones,
were resorted to by the neighboring inhabitants. There was a
shadow of this among the reformed churches of Piedmont. [Rob.
Hist. of Bap., p. 357]
4. Atto, bishop of
Vercilli, complained of these people in 946, as other clergy had
done before; but from this period, until the thirteenth century,
Baptists continued to increase and multiply. The wickedness
of the clergy* considerably aided the cause of dissent. There was
no legal power in Italy, in those times, to put dissenters to
death. This kingdom, therefore, would very naturally become a
retreat to those who suffered in other provinces on account of
religion. Its contiguity to France and Spain, which kingdoms
abounded with Christians of this sort, would naturally aid and
strengthen their interests; besides the preaching of Claude, with
other reformers, added to the number of dissenters. [Claude,
bishop of Turin, was a Spaniard, Arian, and Catholic, yet he
loudly proclaimed his view of truth, in opposition to the errors
of the times.] All these were incorporated into the churches of
Italy, and were now known by the term Paterines; "a name
which came," says Mezeray, "from the glory they took in
suffering patiently for the truth." [French Hist., p. 287]
[* The clergy were not only
ignorant, but they were adulterers and Sodomites (Dr.
Allix’s Rem. Ch. Pied., p. 88); and so avaricious as to sell
any sacred thing for money. Their illegitimate children were
provided for out of the revenues of the church; but they could
not be so supported without proving their connexion and
membership, which was established only by baptism. This urgency
pushed forward baptism from minors to infants. Rob. Bap. pp. 805,
&c., 514.]
5. Among these people, a
reformer or principal minister appeared, who attained some
eminency. One GUNDULPHUS appears to have had many admirers.
[Allix’s Rem. on Ch. of Pied., ch. 11, p. 94] Having given
some persons in his connection a portion of spiritual
instruction, he sent them forth as itinerants to preach the
gospel. Some of his followers were arrested in Flanders; and on
their examination, they acknowledged they were followers of
Gundulphus. "They are charged," says Dr. Allix,
"with abhorring baptism: i.e., the Catholic baptism."
These disciples said in reply, "The law and discipline we
have received of our master will not appear contrary either to
the gospel decrees or apostolical institutions, if carefully
looked into. This discipline consists in leaving the world, in
bridling carnal concupiscence, in providing a livelihood by the
labor of our hands, in hurting nobody, and affording charity to
all, &c. This is the sum of our justification to which the
use of baptism can superadd nothing. But if any say that some
sacrament lies hid in baptism, the force of it is taken off by
three causes. Ist. Because the reprobate life of ministers can
afford no saving remedy to the persons baptized. 2ndly. Because
whatever sins are renounced at the font, are afterwards taken up
again in life and practice. 3rdly. Because a strange will, a
strange faith, and strange confession, do not seem to belong to a
little child, who neither wills nor runs, who knoweth nothing of
faith, and is altogether ignorant of his own good and salvation,
in whom there can be no desire of regeneration, and from whom no
confession of faith can be expected." [Pied. Ch., oh. 11,
pp. 94-5] That these people held views on the ordinances similar
to the Baptists of modern times, is allowed by all respectable
writers. "They were wellmeaning and honest, though ignorant
and illiterate men," says Dr. Jortin. [Rem. on Ecc. Hist.,
vol. v., p. 27, and Milner’s Ch. Hist., c. 11, ch. 2]
6. The PATERINES were, in
1040, become very numerous and conspicuous at Milan, which was
their principal residence: and here they flourished at least two
hundred years. They had no connection with the (Catholic)
church, nor with the Fathers, considering them as corrupters of
Christianity. They called the cross the abomination of desolation
standing in the holy place; and they said it was the mark of the
beast. Nor had they any share in the state, for they took no
oaths, and bore no arms. The state did not trouble them, but the
clergy preached, prayed, and published books against them, with
unabated zeal [Rob. Res., p. 405]; while there was no legal use
of the sword, a lot was realized, which proved favorable to their
sentiments and prosperity. The Paterines were decent in their
deportment, modest in their dress and discourse, and their morals
were irreproachable. In their conversation there was no levity,
no scurrility, no detraction, no falsehood, no swearing. Their
dress was neither fine nor mean. They were chaste and temperate,
never frequenting taverns or places of public amusement. They
were not given to anger or violent passions. They were not eager
to accumulate wealth, but were content with a plain plenty of the
necessaries of life. They avoided commerce, because they thought
it would expose them to the temptations of collusion, falsehood,
and oaths; and they chose to live by labor or handicraft. They
were always employed in spare hours, either in giving or
receiving instruction.
7. Their churches were
divided into sixteen compartments, such as the English Baptists
would call associations. Each of these was subdivided into
parts, which would here be called churches or congregations. In
Milan there was a street called Pararia, where it is supposed
they met for worship. Their bishops and officers were mechanics,
weavers, shoemakers, who maintained themselves by their industry.
They had houses at Ferrara, Brescia, and in many other cities and
towns. One of their principal churches was that of Concorezzo, in
the Milanese; and the members of churches, in this association,
were more than 1500. During the kingdom of the Goths and
Lombards, the Anabaptists, as the Catholics called them, had
their share of to churches and baptisteries, during which time
they hold no communion with any hierarchy. After the ruin of
these kingdoms, laws were issued by the emperors, to deprive
dissenters of baptismal churches and to secure them to the
Catholic clergy. Consequently the brethren worshipped in private
houses, under different names. Each of the houses where they met
seemed to be occupied by one of the brethren: they were marked so
as to be known only among themselves, and they never met in large
companies in persecuting times; and though they differed in some
things, yet there was a perfect agreement in all those points
mentioned above. [Rob. Res., ch. 11. The language of the
Paterines is very strongly expressed against infant baptism. See
Gregory and Muratori, with others, quoted in Robinson’s
Res., 408, note 9; and Hist. Bap., p. 211, note 4.]
8. There were many Greeks
from Bulgaria and Philippopolis, who came to settle in Italy
about the time that the emperor Alezias Comnenas disturbed the
Philippopolitans, and burnt Basil, the Bogomilan or Paulician. [Id.
Research., p. 409] "It is difficult," says Mosheim,
"to fix the precise period of time when the Paulicians began
to take refuge in Europe." About the middle of the eleventh
century, a considerable number of them settled in Lombardy,
Insubria, and principally at Milan; they were in Italy called
Paterini or Cathari. In process of time, they sent colonies
into almost all the other provinces of Europe, and formed
gradually a considerable number of religious assemblies, who
adhered to their doctrine. A set of men like to the
Paulicians or Paterines proceeded in vast numbers out of Italy,
in the following ages, and spread like an inundation through all
the European provinces. Thus Italy, who gave a seat to the beast,
sent forth those moral streams to prevent the world from becoming
stagnant with pollution.
[These Dissenting Baptists
were the only class in this kingdom not given up to the
corruption of the times. Luxury, covetousness, and adultery
universally prevailed among the catholic clergy. Prelates,
habited in purple robes and gold, converted nunneries into stews,
and parks and mansions were had for seraglios. They were awfully
wicked in Italy; cures and sinecures were provided for their
children. Presbyters were common at twelve years of age, and boys
were bishops. We have seen that solicitude on the part of parents
for the welfare of their offspring, with the Alexandrian school,
first led to youths’ baptism. Infant pollution was
understood to be removed by water baptism, and the ordinance was
the only means of saving the soul from purgatory. The importance
now attached to baptism required the priest to attend every woman
in labor, but the plan was further matured, by inventing various
instruments and different distilled waters for the foetus in
utero! Abortives and dead bodies received the sanctified liquid;
all which evils have the same authority for their existence as
Paedobaptism, and shame from the scattered rays of truth will
abolish the one as it has the other. To detail faithfully the
conduct of clergymen, and the progress of infant baptism, would
present the filthiest account ever issued from the press. Yet
these men, daring to reform the abuses of the church, are by
Paedobaptists reproached to this day, Mezeray, p. 115; Mosh. v.
ii., p. 167; Rob. Bap. p. 305, &c.; Dr. M’Crie, p. 16;
Dr. Allix’s Ch. Pied. c. 10, p. 88; See Bap. Mag. v. ii., p.
435; Dr. Wall’s Hist. pt, 2, p 379.]
9. A reformer now appeared
in Italy, and one who proved himself a powerful opponent to the
church of Rome, and who in fortitude and zeal was inferior to no
one bearing that name, while in learning and talents he excelled
most. This was ARNOLD of BRESCIA; a man allowed to have been
possessed of extensive erudition, and remarkable for his
austerity of manners; he travelled into France in early life, and
became a pupil of the renowned Peter Abelard. On leaving this
school, he returned into Italy, and assumed the habit of a monk,
began to propagate his opinions in the streets of Brescia, where
he soon gained attention. He pointed his zeal at the wealth* and
luxury of the Roman clergy. The eloquence of Arnold aroused the
inhabitants of Brescia. They revered him as the apostle of
religious liberty, and rose in rebellion against the bishops. The
church took an alarm at his bold attacks; and in a council,
(1139), he was condemned to perpetual silence.
[M’Crie’s History of the Reform. in Italy, p. 3,
&c.]
[* Not only were great fees
required by the clergy for every duty to the living and the dead,
but when any malady prevailed in a nation, as in France, A.D.
996, the afflicted were taught to propitiate heaven, by giving
their property to the clergy (Mezeray, p. 204), and as the tenth
century drew to a close (999), a general panic prevailed
throughout the catholic world, from Rev. 20:2--4, that the last
judgment was approaching. The rich endowed churches, while the
wily clergy in the writings excluded any future claimant of the
gift under the pain of Judas’s punishment! From the view of
their own edifices and mansions being useless, the nobility and
gentry permitted their homes to go to decay. See Mosh. Hist. v.
ii. p. 108. Jones’s Lect. on Ec. Hist. v. ii. p. 196,
&c. Lon. Ency. v. xi. p. 290.]
Arnold left Italy, and found
an asylum in the Swiss canton of Zurich. Here he began his system
of reform, and succeeded for a time, but the influence of Bernard
made it necessary for him to leave the canton. This bold man now
hazarded the desperate experiment of visiting Rome, and fixing
the standard of rebellion in the very heart of the capitol. In
this measure, he succeeded so far as to occasion a change of the
government, and the clergy experienced for ten years a reverse of
fortune, and a succession of insults from the people.+ The
pontiff struggled hard, but in vain, to maintain his ascendency.
He at length sunk under the pressure of the calamity. Successive
pontiffs were unable to check his popularity. Eugenius III
withdrew from Rome, and Arnold, taking advantage of his absence,
impressed on the minds of the people the necessity of setting
bounds to clerical authority; but the people, not being prepared
for such liberty, carried their measures to the extreme, abused
the clergy, burnt their property, and required all ecclesiastics
to swear to the new constitution. "Arnold," says
Gibbon, "presumed to quote the declaration of Christ, that
his kingdom was not of this world. The abbots, the bishops, and
the pope himself, must renounce their state, or their
salvation." The people were brave, but ignorant of the
nature, extent, and advantages of a reformation. The people
imbibed, and long retained the color of his opinions. His
sentiments also were influential on some of the clergy in the
Catholic church. He was not devoid of discretion, he was
protected by the nobles and the people, and his services to the
cause of freedom; his eloquence thundered over the seven hills.
He showed how strangely the clergy in vice had degenerated from
the primitive times of the church. He confined the shepherd to
the spiritual government of his flock. It is from the year 1144,
that the establishment of the senate is dated, as a glorious era,
in the acts of the city. Arnold maintained his station above ten
years, while two popes, either trembled in the Vatican, or
wandered as exiles in the adjacent cities. [Ro. Hist. ch. 69] The
pope having mustered his troops, and placing himself at their
head, soon became possessed of his official dignity.
Arnold’s friends were numerous, but a sword was no weapon in
the articles of his faith.
[+ Who can question the
necessity of a reform? From the immense wealth of the (Catholic)
church, idleness and every evil was found among the clergy.
Religion was a jest! A dispute existed as to which liturgy, the
Gothic or Roman, should be used in the church, this was decided
by single combat, Mosh. v. ii. p. 220. The festivals of fools and
asses were established in most churches. On days of solemnity,
they created a bishop of fools; and an ass was led into the body
of the church, dressed in a cape and four-cornered cap, When the
people were dismissed, it was by the priests braying three times
like an ass, and the people responded in an asinine tone.
Jones’s Lect. v. i. p. 534. At stated times, the more
remarkable events in the Christian history were represented in a
kind of mimic show. But such scenic representations, though they
amused the gazing populace, were injurious to religion, Mosh. C.
13, p. 2, c. 4, ~ 1. Yet, for his efforts, Arnold, in the eyes of
clergymen, and state writers, was a sad heretic, Mosh. Hist. v.
ii. p. 318]
In 1155, this noble champion
was seized, crucified, and burnt. His ashes were thrown into the
river. "The clergy triumphed in his death; with his ashes,
his sect was dispersed; his memory still lives in the minds of
the Romans." Though no corporeal relic could be preserved to
animate his followers, the efforts of Arnold in civil and
religious liberty were cherished in the breasts of future
reforming spirits, and inspired those mighty attempts, in
WICKLIFFE, Huss, and others. [Jones’s Lect., v. ii. p. 211.
Hist., v. ii. p. 318]
10. Arnold’s memory
was long and fondly cherished by his countrymen, and his tragical
end occasioned deep and loud murmurs; it was regarded as an
act of injustice and cruelty, the guilt of which lay upon the
pope and his clergy, who had been the occasion of it. The
disciples of Arnold, who were numerous, obtained the name of ARNOLDISTS;
these separated from the communion of the church of Rome, and
long continued to bear their testimony against its numerous
abuses. [Allix’s Re. Ch. Pied., C. 18, p. 170, &c.]
"This unhappy man," says Mosheim, "seems not to
have adopted any doctrines inconsistent with the spirit of true
religion. He considered the clergy should be divested of all
their worldly possessions, and live on the contributions of the
people. This reformer, in whose character and manners there were
several things worthy of esteem, drew after him a great number of
disciples, who derived from him the denomination of Arnoldists;
and, in succeeding ages, discovered the spirit and intrepidity of
their leader, as often as any favorable opportunities of
reforming the church were offered to their zeal. [Hist., v. ii.
p. 31]
11. The sentiments of
Arnold on the ordinance is thus established. Bernard, whose
influence occasioned Arnold’s leaving Zurich, accuses his
followers of mocking at infant baptism. He also received a like
accusation from Evervimus, in Germany, who said the Arnoldists
condemn the (catholic) sacraments, particularly baptism, which
they administer only to the adult. They do not believe infant
baptism, alleging that place of the gospel, whoever shall believe
and he baptized shall be saved. [Wall’s Hist., p. 2, ch. 7,
~ 5, p. 234; Dr. Allix’s Rem. on Ch. Pied. c. 16, p. 140]
Arnold was condemned by the
Lateran council of 1139 for rejecting infant baptism.
[Wall’s Hist., p. 2, c. 7, ~ 5, p. 242]
Arnold had laid to his
charge, that he was unsound in his judgment about the sacrament
of the altar and infant baptism. [Allix on Ch. Pied., c. 18, p.
171] He is said to have held the opinion of Berengarius [Id., p.
17], and that from him the Waldenses were called Arnoldists. [Id.
Facts Oppos. to Fict., p. 46]
Arnold denied that baptism
should be administered to infants. [Jones’s Lect., v. ii. p.
215. The method of enlarging the church catholic was singularly
adapted through ages to acquire the object. Albert, a canon, was
commissioned to dragoon the Livonians into the profession of
Christianity, and to oblige them, by force of arms, to receive
the benefits of baptism. Mosh. 2, 234. In ordinary cases baptism
in the church was thus regulated. The candidate, having passed
through a course of preparatory instruction, all of human
invention, was at length pronounced fit. Salt was then applied to
his mouth as a sign of the excited desire of baptismal water. He
was exorcised, or purified, from all demoniacal and magical
influence. The priest then breathed on him, in token of his
receiving the Holy Spirit, the principle of spiritual and eternal
life. His nose and ears were anointed with spittle, his breast
and shoulders were anointed with oil, and after many more
ceremonies, he was dipped three times, and on coming out of the
water he was anointed with chrism, and crowned with other rites,
all of the same nature. Jones’s Lect. v. ii., p. 199,
&c.]
12. It is acknowledged
that the Latin church was, during this century, troubled with the
PURITANS, a term, according to Mosheim, expressive of the
successors of the Novatianists; but the pontiffs were
particularly annoyed by the Paulicians who emigrated in numbers
from Bulgaria, who leaving their native land spread themselves
throughout various provinces. Many of them, while doing good to
others, and propagating the gospel, were put to death with the
most unrelenting cruelty. [Mosh. Hist., C. 12, pt. 2, c. 5, ~ 4]
In 1180, the Puritans had established themselves in Lombardy and
Puglia, where they received frequent visits from their brethren
who resided in other countries; in this and the next century they
were to be found in the capital of Christendom. Effective
measures were matured about this time, when Waldo and his
followers were driven from France.
13. In 1210, the Paterines
had become so numerous and so odious to the state clergy, that
the old bishop of Ferrara obtained an edict of the emperor Otho
IV for the suppression of them; but this measure extended only to
that city.
In five years after, Pope
Innocent III of bloody celebrity, held a council at the Lateran,
and denounced anathemas against heretics of every description.
Dr. Wall declares that this council did enforce infant baptism on
the dissenters, as heretics taught it was to no purpose to
baptize children."
In this council, the Milanese
were censured for sheltering the Paterines. After a variety of
efforts to suppress them, the cruel policy of the court of Rome
extended its sanguinary measures over Italy. In 1220, Honorius
III procured an edict of Frederick II which extended over all the
imperial cities, as had been the case for some years over the
south of France, and the effects of the pontiff’s anger was
soon felt by the deniers of the infant rite. These edicts were
every way proper to excite horror, and which rendered the most
illustrious piety and virtue incapable of saving from the most
cruel death such as had the misfortune, says Mosheim, to be
disagreeable to the inquisitors. [Ecc. Hist., v. ii., pp. 426,
430] No alternative of escaping those human monsters presented
itself but that of flight, which was embraced by many;
"indeed," Mosheim observes, "they passed out of
Italy, and spread like an inundation throughout the European
provinces, but Germany in particular afforded an asylum where
they were called Gazari instead of Cathari (Puritans).
One Ivo, of Narbonne,
was summoned by the inquisitor of heretical pravity. Ivo fled
into Italy. At Como he became acquainted with the Paterines, and
accommodated himself to their views for a time. They informed
him, after he was a member of their society, that they had
churches in almost all the towns of Lombardy, and in some parts
of Tuscany; that their merchants, in frequenting fairs and
markets, made it their business to instil their tenets in the
minds of the rich laymen with whom they traded, and the landlords
in whose houses they lodged. On leaving Como, he was furnished
with letters of recommendation to professors of the same faith in
Milan; and in this manner, he passed through all the towns
situated on the Po, through Cremona and the Venetian states,
being liberally entertained by the Paterines, who received him as
a brother, on producing his letters, and giving the signs which
were known by all that belonged to the sect. [M’Crie’s
Ref. in Italy, p. 4, &c.]
14. The thirteenth century
exhibited in Italy two objects that struck devout observers; the
one was the simple manners of the Paterines, which appeared to
great advantage in contrast with the lives of their neighbors;
the other was the predictions of Joachim, abbot of a monastery,
foretelling a reformation of the whole catholic church. The
simplicity was seen in its native form in their separate
communities. The Paterines knew their discipline could not
possibly be practised in the (Catholic) church; they therefore
withdrew, constantly avowing the sufficiency of Scripture, the
competency of each to reform himself, the right of all, even of
women, to teach; and openly disclaiming all manner of coercion in
matters of religion. The wisdom of the Paterines in separating
wholly from the Roman church, appears in a striking light, when
contrasted with the weakness of those who continued in that
communion, and endeavored to incorporate the morality of the
Paterines into the established church, in order to reform the
community. In conformity with their declaration of the
sufficiency of the Scriptures to regulate a Christian church,
they had houses in many cities, in which they assembled for
religious worship, with their barbs, or religious teachers. [The
exact etymology of this word is not shown; the dissenters were
called Barbarus by the literati, and it might be a
contraction of that word; or Barbe, a beard, from their
venerable elders wearing long beards; or barbet, a shagged
dog, might be used by their enemies to convey, like methodist,
ana-baptist, contempt or reproach.]
15. The publication of the
above books, with others by some monks, awakened the pontiff to
adopt measures for the destruction of all opponents; consequently
under one term, that of heretic, all were proscribed; and though
the Paterines complained of being mixed up with fanatics, their
complaints were disregarded. The bishops and clergy were glad
to have a reasonable pretext for the extirpation of those people
who checked their ambitious projects, and who by their example
and instruction kept the community awake to their defects and
impiety. Means of a vigorous and corresponding character to those
so successfully employed against the Albigenses had been used for
ridding Italy of dissenters. While the Dominican friars had been
carrying on their inquiries, and preaching down heresy in France;
a corresponding order of men had pursued a similar course in
Italy against the Paterines, who no doubt considerably increased
in this kingdom from the refugees who escaped the crusaders in
Languedoc.
The effects of the above
inquisition, though severe, were not so great on the Paterines as
the pope desired, and therefore he obtained in the beginning of
Frederick’s reign, as before mentioned (1224), a cruel
decree denouncing all Puritans, Paterines, Arnoldists, &c.,
&c., expressed in these terms, "We shall not suffer
these wretches to live." A second, third, and fourth
followed, all of the same cruel and virulent character. The
edicts declared that all those Paterines to whom the bishops were
disposed to show favor, were to have their tongues pulled out,
that they might not corrupt others by justifying themselves,
[Allix’s Pied., p. 297; Jones’s Lect., v. ii. p. 397]
others were to be committed to the flames. These measures were
cordially approved by the pope, who to give the imperial edicts
the desired effect, accompanied them with his bull.
16. The above measure,
though severe and continued in force for years, did not extirpate
the Paterines, as we find in the middle of this century,
"they had," says Reiner, "four thousand members in
the perfect class, but those called disciples were an innumerable
multitude." [Wall’s Hist., pt. 2, 246] And
notwithstanding the persecutions to which they were exposed, they
maintained themselves in Italy, and kept up a regular
correspondence with their brethren in other countries. They had
public schools where their sons were educated, and these were
supported by contributions, from churches of the same faith in
Bohemia and Poland. [Perrin in M’Crie] Their prosperity
irritated the pontiff, who on death, 1250, and during an
interregnum, resolved on extirpating heresy. The usual methods
were attempted, preaching and mustering crusaders; but after
every effort devised for their destruction, they appeared no less
in number, and still formidable to their adversaries. Indeed, it
was found in the middle of this century that the Paterines had
exceedingly increased, so that his Holiness found it necessary to
give full powers to his inquisitors, and to erect a standing
tribunal, if possible, in every country where Puritans were known
to infest. These inquisitors were armed with all imaginable
power, to punish all those persons who dared to think differently
to the pope and his successors. Unity of views, sentiments,
and practices, was to be effected by these cruel measures; but
instead of accomplishing this object, we conclude the Paterines
were dispersed abroad into other provinces, or else they retired
into obscurity, from either of which circumstance their local
names would become extinct. The terror of the inquisitors awed
the Italians into silence; but it is highly creditable, indeed,
there are some reasons to believe the Paterines did continue
dispersed in Italy till the reformation in Germany. It is very
probable that many of these people became incorporated with the
Waldensian churches in the valleys of Piedmont, which at this
period enjoyed, under the dukes of Savoy, the sweets of religious
liberty: this incorporation could be easily effected, since it is
proved by Allix and others, that the most part of the Paterines
held the same opinions as the churches in the valleys, and
therefore were taken for one and the same class of people. [Rem.
on Pied., p. 112; Mosh. Hist. v. ii., p. 225, note]
17. The straitened
circumstances of the Vaudois in Pragela suggested the propriety
of seeking for a new territory; this they obtained on their own
terms of liberty in Calabria, a district in the northeast of
Italy. This new settlement prospered, and their religious
peculiarities awakened displeasure in the old inhabitants; but
the landlords, well pleased with their industry, afforded them
protection. This colony received fresh accessions from time to
time of those who fled from the persecutions raised against them
in Piedmont; and continued to flourish when the Reformation
dawned on Italy, after which they were barbarously murdered.
[Jones’s Lect. 2, p. 420; M’Crie’s Ref. in Italy,
p. 7]
18. These plain facts
allow us to conclude that Italy must have, in parts, enjoyed the
lamp of truth from apostolic days. That the Cathari or
Puritan churches continued for ages is acknowledged of the views
of which we have spoken. Such churches were strengthened by the
Baptists from Bulgaria, whose sameness of views admitted their
incorporation. When these congregations became too large to
assemble in one place, they parted and held separate assemblies,
in perfect unity with each other. [Rob. Hist. Bap., p. 356] They
owned the Scriptures as a rule of conduct, and administered the
ordinance of baptism to believers by one immersion. [Id.
Research., p. 384] They maintained church discipline even on
their ministers, as examples are recorded. [Jones’s Lect. v.
ii., p. 273; Rob. Ecc. Res., ch. 11] They were always found on
the side of religious liberty, and considered the oppressing
clergy the locust which darkened and tormented the world. They
were persecuted, awed, dispersed, or destroyed, yet their spirit
and conduct will be again exhibited in future sections of our
history.
ORCHARD'S TABLE OF CONTENTS
BAPTIST HISTORY
BAPTIST HISTORY & DOCTRINE SITE MAP
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