"Because thou hast kept
the word of my patience, I will also keep thee,"
&c.--Rev. 3:10.
1. There is a range of
mountains, the highest in Europe, extending from the Adriatic to
the Mediterranean Seas, and separating Italy from France,
Switzerland, and Germany. The principality of Piedmont derives
its name from its locality, being situated at the foot of the
Alps; pede, foot; montium, mountains. It is an extensive tract of
rich and fruitful valleys, containing a superficial extent of
thirteen thousand square miles, and is embosomed in mountains,
which are encircled again with other mountains higher than they,
intersected with deep and rapid rivers, and exhibiting in strong
contrasts the beauty and plenty of Paradise, in sight of
frightful precipices, wide lakes of ice, and stupendous mountains
of never-wasting snow. The whole country is an interchange of
hill and dale, mountain and valley, traversed with four principal
rivers; namely, the Po, the Tanaro, the Stura, and the Dora,
besides about eight-and-twenty rivulets, great and small--which,
winding their courses in different directions, contribute to the
fertility of the valleys, which make the land, on a map, to
resemble a watered garden. Such was the surrounding scenery of
those people who were, at different periods, driven into the
wilderness. May we not conclude, they had not only chosen the
better part, but were directed to an earthly Eden to enjoy it?
[Lon. Ency. art. Pied.; Lady Morgans Letters; Rob. Ecc.
Res., p. 458; Joness Ecc. Lect., vol. ii., p. 416]
2. The origin and
character of the people who at an early age inhabited these
valleys, has been shown; [Robins. Res., p. 425] but such details
have no interesting connection with our history. The same
writer has proved, in a most satisfactory way, that the class of
people called Waldenses derived this name from inhabiting
valleys. In Spain, these people were termed Navarri; in
France, Vaudois (vaux); in Lombardy, ecclesiastical
writers named them Valdenses, simply from their living in
valleys. [Robins. Res. p. 302] "They call themselves
Valdenses, because they abide in a valley of tears." [Bp.
Newtons Diss. on the Proph., vol. ii., p. 248; and Maps of
Piedmont in Gillys Narrative] It is certain these valleys,
at an early period in the Christian era, became an asylum to the
worshippers of the Redeemer; who, at the remotest period, were
known by the term Credenti, believers. [Robins. Res.,p.
461] However remote their antiquity, no records exist as to any
of these churches being apostolical: [Allixs Ch. of Pied.,
c. 1, p. 2] though the fact is beyond all contradiction, that
early and late dissenters in religion were found in these
valleys, and in other provinces, who were never in communion with
the Church of Rome. [Robins. Res., pp. 425, 440, 448]
3. Though we have no
document proving apostolic foundation for these churches, yet it
becomes evident that some communities did exist here in the
second century, since it is recorded they practised
believers baptism by immersion. [D. Belthazar in Bap.
Mag., vol. i., p. 167] Whether these societies were gathered by
the apostles, or their successors, or whether they originated
with those emigrants who left the cities under the persecuting
edicts of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, we have no means of
deciding. We have already observed [D. Belthazar, Bap. Mag., vol.
i., ch. 2, s. 1, ~ 7] from Claudius Seyssel, the popish
archbishop, that one LEO was charged with originating the
Waldensian heresy in the valleys, in the days of Constantine the
Great. When those severe measures emanated from the emperor
Honorius, against rebaptizers, the Baptists left the seats of
opulence and power, and sought retreats in the country and in the
valleys of Piedmont--which last place in particular became their
retreat from imperial oppression. [Sabast. Frank, in Bap. Mag.,
vol. i. p. 256; A. Keiths Signs of the Times, vol. ii., ch.
22, p. 64, &c.] The assumption of power by the Roman
priesthood occasioned multitudes of private persons to express
publicly their abhorrence of clerical vice and intolerance, and
particularly of the lordly ambition of the Roman pontiffs. In the
sixth and seventh centuries, many withdrew from the scenes of
sacerdotal oppression, ignorance, and voluptuousness. These
sought refuge in Piedmont, and were called Valdenses: they
abhorred popery. [Jortins Rem., vol. iii., p. 419] Here the
Valdenses were more at liberty to oppose the tyranny of those
imperious prelates. [Mosh. Hist., vol. i., p. 445] The prevalency
of Arianism in Lombardy was equally afflictive to these Credenti;
since some of the believers or Valdenses, were deprived of their
ministers by persecution, while others were led from the severity
of the trial, to compromise the affair by taking their children
to the Arian establishment for immersion. [Perrin refers to these
people, Allixs Ch. Pied., ch. 24, p. 242]
4. The antiquity of the
Valdenses, or believers, is asserted by their friends, and
corroborated by their enemies. Dr. Maclaine, in
Mosheims history, says, "We may affirm, with the
learned Beza, that these people derived their name from the
valleys they inhabited; and hence Peter of Lyons was called, in
Latin, Valdus, because he had adopted their doctrine."
Reiner Sacco speaks of the Lionists as a sect that had flourished
above five hundred years (back to 750); while he mentions authors
of note among them, who make their antiquity remount to the
apostolic age. [Ecc. Hist., vol. ii. p. 320, note] Theodore
Belvedre, a popish monk, says, that the heresy had always been in
the valleys. [Danvers, p. 18] In the preface to the first
French Bible, the translators say, that they (the Valdenses) have
always had the full enjoyment of the heavenly truth contained in
the holy Scriptures, ever since they were enriched with the same
by the apostles; having in fair MSS. preserved the entire Bible
in their native tongue, from generation to generation.
[Morelands Hist., p. 14; Gillys Life of F. Neff]
5. The old, or primitive
Waldenses, were distinguished by the doctrine and practice of
Christian liberty. [Robins. Res., p 311] They held priesthood
in abhorrence. It is not clear that the ancient Waldenses had any
clergy as distinct from laity. Females were allowed to teach, as
well as men; they laughed at the different classes of the
priesthood. They took no oaths, but used a simple affirmation.
They believed in the doctrine of the Trinity, and baptized
believers. [Robins. Res., pp. 446, 461] They refused baptism to
infants, when it came into use in other churches: [Id. p. 462]
and were consequently reproached with the term re-baptizers, or
Anabaptists. [Id., pp. 310, 315, 467, 513] "They
admitted," says Dr. Allix, "the catechumi, after an
exact instruction, and baptized them on Easter-day, and
Whitsunday, and prepared them for receiving of that sacrament by
long continued fasts, in which the church used to join * * * they
were to make confession of their sins in token of their
contrition before they received baptism * * * after which they
were admitted to the eucharist." [Ch. in Pied., ch. 2, p. 7]
The mode of administering the ordinance is proved from the
account and description we have of their baptisteries. [Rob.
Res., p. 468] The churches, at an early period, to which a
baptistery was annexed, were called baptismal churches: these
were resorted to by all persons living in that district for
baptism; these baptismal churches consequently became mother
churches, and, when possessed by the Catholics, cathedrals; and
even a shadow of this was to be found among the reformed churches
of Piedmont. [Robins. Hist. of Bap., p. 357; and Res., pp. 405,
468] It is a fact, however superstition may have disguised it,
that the forming of Christian congregations in the established
church of Piedmont and Savoy, began like the gospel itself, with
baptism. [Id. p. 468]
6. Knowing the people we
are deciphering have had many claimants to affinity, we shall
subjoin, before we proceed with their history, a few testimonies
as to the oneness of the Waldenses in views, with those Baptists
whose histories have been already given.
Eckbertus and Emericus, two
avowedly open and bitter enemies of the Waldenses, do assert,
that the new Puritans (Waldenses) do conform to the doctrines and
manners of the old Puritans (i.e. the Novatianists). [Danvers on
Bap. p. 273; and Joness Lect., vol. ii. p. 178] Beza
affirms "the Waldenses were the relics of the pure primitive
Christian churches; some of them were called "the poor of
Lyons." [Danvers, ut sup., p. 18] Paul Perrin asserts, that
the Waldenses were time out of mind in Italy and Dalmatia, and
were the offspring of the Novatianists, who were persecuted and
driven from Rome, A.D. 400 (rather 413); and who, for purity in
communion, were called Puritans. [Id., p. 273] The name of
Paterines was given to the Waldenses; and who, for the most part,
held the same opinions, and have therefore been taken for one and
the same class of people, who continued till the Reformation
under name of Paterines or Waldenses. [Allixs Ch. Pied.,
ch. 1}, pp. 122, 128] There was no difference in religious
views between the Albigenses and Waldenses. [Mezerays Fr.
Hist. p. 278; Maclaine in Mosh. Hist., vol. ii., p. 320, note]
All those people inhabiting the south of France were called, in
general, Albigenses; and, in doctrine and manners, were not
distinct from the Waldenses. [Miln. Ch. Hist., Cent. 13, ch. 4]
Bossuet, bishop of Meaux, says, as to the Vaudois, they were a
species of Donatists, and worse than the ancient Donatists; they
formed their churches of only good men; they all, without
distinction, if they were reputed good people, preached and
administered the ordinances. [Rob. Res., p. 476] The celebrated
Matthew Francowitz says, the Waldenses scent a little of
anabaptism. [Id. p. 311] The Waldenses were, in religious
sentiments, substantially the same as the Paulicians, Paterines,
Puritans, and Albigensess. [Mosh. Hist., v ol. ii., pp. 224, 226,
432, notes; Joness Lect. vol. ii. pp. 371-6] --See appendix
to this section.
7. Having stated their
antiquity, and proved their affinity to other classes of early
dissidents, we now come to describe the people, which originally
were called simply believers. These were distinguished from
others by their faith, while some professors were known
principally by pleading virtue; but these Christians
distinguished themselves by the soundness of their faith, of
which the apostles creed was their standard; and though
they were not indifferent to virtue, yet virtue was a secondary
object, or, as it is now called, a fruit of faith. They did not
dissent from Rome on account of the doctrines taught in that
church, but on account of ceremonies, rejecting the popes,
prelates, and all its religious orders, with councils and
traditions, and adhering to Scripture alone as a rule of faith,
and by refusing all the papal ceremonies of baptism and the
Lords Supper: [Robins. Res., p. 461] the attempts of these
believers, therefore, were not intended by way of imposing or
proposing new articles of faith to Christians; all they aimed
to do was, to reduce the form of ecclesiastical government to
that amiable simplicity, and primitive sanctity, which
characterized the apostolic ages. The government of their
churches was committed to elders, presbyters, and deacons. Their
elders, or bards, were every one ministers or heads of their
churches; but these could proceed in no spiritual affair without
the consent of the brethren, teachers and people. Deacons
expounded the gospel, distributed the eucharist, baptized, and
sometimes had the oversight of churches, visited the sick, and
took care of the temporalities of the church. [Dr. Allixs
Rem. Ch. Pied., ch. 2, pp. 8,9] They considered that these orders
should be like the apostles;--poor, illiterate men, without
worldly possessions, and qualified to follow some laborious trade
in order to gain a livelihood. Their elders and officers do not
appear distinguished from their brethren by dress or names, but
every Christian was considered as capable, in a certain measure,
of instructing others, and of confirming the brethren by
exhortations. Their elders were the seniors of the brethren,
while the presbyters were the whole body of the teachers, whether
fixed or itinerating. [See Camp. 4th Lect. on Ecc. History, p.
72] Their rules of practice were regulated by a literal
interpretation of Christs sermon on the mount. They
consequently prohibited wars, suits at law, acquisitions of
wealth, capital punishments, self-defence, and oaths of all
kinds. The body of believers was divided into two classes; one of
which contained the perfect, the other the imperfect Christians.
The former gave up all worldly possessions, the latter were less
austere, though they abstained, like the graver sort of
Anabaptists in later times, from all appearances of pomp and
luxury. [Mosh. Hist., vol. ii. p. 321, &c.] These people
contended that a church was an assembly of believers, faithful
men, and that of such a church the Lord Jesus Christ is head, and
he alone; that it is governed by his word, and guided by the Holy
Spirit; that it behooves all Christians to walk in fellowship;
that the only ordinances Christ hath appointed for the churches,
are baptism and the Lords Supper; that they are both
symbolical ordinances, or signs of holy things, "visible
emblems of invisible blessings," and that believers are the
proper participants of them. [Joness Lect., vol. ii. p.
455. The first writers against the Vaudois, never censured their
mode of baptizing; for in those times all parties administered
baptism by dipping, except in cases of danger. Rob. Res., pp.
447, 468-9.]
8. On the Saracens
invading Spain, near the middle of the eighth century, many
thousands of the Spanish Vaudois, with their wives, children, and
servants, under cover of a large army emigrated over the
Pyrenees, from the Spanish to the French foot of the mountains.
As the French provinces became also invaded, it is very probable
many of the emigrants would seek a refuge in Piedmont, during
those military commotions. It is recorded, that the parts which
remained freest from the vices and contagion of those marauders,
were Savoy, Piedmont, and the southern parts of France; and it is
equally remarkable, that when the Saracens approached to those
parts inhabited by the Vaudois, they were defeated with great
slaughter, in several engagements by the famous Charles Martel.
[Mezerays Fr. Hist. p. 82; Bp. Newton on the Proph., vol.
ii., p. 207.]
9. At a period when
ignorance, superstition, and iniquity almost universally
prevailed, and the members of the Catholic community were locked
up in a moral slumber, one character of respectability and
importance, was raised up in this community; CLAUDE OF TURIN,+
who successfully raised his voice against prevailing corruptions.
He was a Spaniard by birth, and a disciple of Felix, of Urgel,
the Arian; who, in 794, published a work on the adoption of Jesus
by the Father. [Mezerays Fr. Hist. p. 105] Churchmen say,
Claude rejected tradition in matters of religion, and that he
entirely conformed to the sense of the ancient church!
[Allixs Ch. Pied., ch. 9, p. 61. Newton, as above, p. 239]
How this could be, while he remained in a community that was a
sink of lewdness and uncleanness, [Mezeray ut sup. and pp. 112,
115] we have yet to learn. His views are considered evangelical.
He asserted the equality of all the apostles, and maintained that
Jesus Christ was the only head of the church. His labors were
very beneficial to the interests of religion in the valleys. He
lived and died in the Catholic church; he gave no encouragement
to others to separate, or form distinct communities, indeed he
was an enemy to schism. His continuing to labor in a church so
awfully corrupt for twenty-two years--his military
enterprises--his association with the bishop of Urgel, leave his
orthodoxy doubtful: he was in life beloved, and after death his
memory was revered by his disciples. [Joness Lect., vol.
ii. p. 192] It is stated by Gilly, that Independent churches were
first formed at the time of Claude. [Narrative p. 82] The bishop
of Turin gave no encouragement to such societies; nor do we know
what is to be understood by these first Independent churches,
since such churches existed among dissenters from apostolic days.
Probably after Claudes death, his followers, who could not
unite with the Baptists, or Vaudois churches, attempted something
of the kind, and formed societies, similar to the Calixtines
after Husss death; but of this we have no records. That the
old interests of the believers realized considerable accessions
from Claudes labors, there is no doubt: [London Ency., art.
Reform; Rob. Res., pp. 447, 467] and many more of corresponding
features might have been formed, but of this we can only
conjecture.
[+ Claude lived and died a
Catholic, and most probably an Arian. He was a brave general, as
well as a bold preacher, and headed his own troops. In his days,
those children who could ask for baptism received it. Robins. ut
sup.]
10. It becomes very plain,
that the early dissenters, both in the east and west, adopted the
system of itinerating through kingdoms. This system was well
suited to the state of the world in the eighth and ninth
centuries, when the genuine religion and spirit of the gospel was
utterly unknown to the doctors of the first rank in the catholic
church. What aid the Piedmontese churches had from the Spanish
Vaudois, or the Paulicians in Armenia and Bulgaria, we are not
able to state. It was in the ninth century that the Paulicians
flourished most, and acquired astonishing strength. As their
religious views were at an early period propagated "beyond
the Alps," it is not unreasonable to conclude, that they
held some correspondence with these believers. Robinson asserts,
that Greece was the parent of the Vaudois, while Piedmont was the
jailer. [Eccles. Researches, p. 320] There is no room to question
but that Savoy became the fostering friend of these dissenters.
But to resume; the perfect class among the Vaudois was well
calculated for a migratory life. While dispossessed of earthly
possessions, and living celibate, such a mode of existence would
be rendered comparatively easy. Such excursive undertakings, on
such commissions, always left their return precarious.
The different ministers of
eminence raised up in their churches, or brought over to their
party from other communities, were considerable helps to the
interests generally. Such was Gundulphus in Italy, who
espoused their views, and was successful in gaining a great many
disciples. The persons who were thus converted were instructed in
the main points of religion, and were sent through various
provinces to disseminate the truth; and it is allowed they were
successful in withdrawing many from the Roman church. [Dr.
Allixs Ch. Pied., c. 11, p. 91]
While other kingdoms and
provinces barbarously used all dissidents, the valleys of
Piedmont for ages afforded an asylum for all the disaffected
towards the church and state union. Blessed here with security
and liberty, and free from the impurities of the menstruous
harlot, they breathed their devotions in one of the purest
regions under heaven, while surrounded by the corruptest
elements. Their minds were lettered with no human
forms--their knees bowed to no delegated authority--their
devotion was guided by no adjusted rules--their lips made no
professions, but such as were stimulated by choice, and that
choice was the response of divine benevolence, aided by a glowing
gratitude, and presented alive to the author of all their
mercies, in an acceptable way, through the blood of the Lamb.
When their hearts became warm with spiritual kindlings, and their
torch lighted up by a celestial flame, they marched forth,
unaided and unabetted by the plenitude of modern favors, into the
surrounding and distant territories, to enlighten the regions of
darkness, to awaken men from the slumberings of a moral death,
and to exhibit, in all the glow of heavenly benevolence, a
fountain opened for the pollutions of a world, and an ample and
sufficient balm for the sicknesses and moral diseases of a
perishing universe. Such were Novatian and Novatus, with
Constantine, Sylvanus, and Sergius of old; and such were
Gundulphus and his coadjutors, with Arnold, Valdo, Berengarius,
Henry, and Peter de Bruys. These worthy men, who went forth
with their lives in their hands, were the only moral means, in
those ages, of renovating the corrupt inhabitants of this world;
and no doubt, the success attending their efforts will be evident
in the great day of decision, when many stars will be seen
studding their crowns.
11. The attention paid by
these Christians to the cultivation of the mind in the word of
God and spiritual things, is highly commendable. The
department of teaching devolving on all believers, made the
church an efficient resource of moral means for the necessary
instruction of every class, within and without its community.
Their enemies lay to their charge, that "they were very
zealous, that they (men and women) never cease from teaching
night and day." [Joness Lect., vol. ii., p. 274]
"They had the Old and New Testament," says an
inquisitor, "in the vulgar tongue; and they teach and learn
so well, that he had seen and heard a country clown recount all
Job, word for word; and divers, who could perfectly deliver all
the New Testament; and that men and women, little and great, day
and night, cease not to learn and teach." It is natural for
us to conclude, that these people, from their attention to the
divine oracles, were able to give a scriptural reason for the
hope within them, and to vindicate their peculiarities, by a
direct appeal to the source of all authority in affairs of the
soul. Indeed their habitude with the Scriptures appears to have
been their boast, as they would say "there was scarcely a
man or woman among them, who was not far better read in the
Bible, than the doctors of the church." The advantages
arising to them from having the Scriptures in their vernacular
tongue, were incalculable; and their attention to its contents
deserves the highest praise, while it presents to us an example
eminently worthy of our close imitation.
One rule among this people,
already recorded, was, that every Christian was in a certain
measure qualified and authorized to instruct, exhort, and confirm
the brethren in their Christian course. This arrangement educed
every talent among the brotherhood, and their gifts being
exercised in the church, became an excellent means of qualifying
every gifted brother for more general usefulness. This mode of
proceeding would operate as a stimulus to spiritual acquirements,
and a beneficial end must have been realized in all the
community, especially since the gifted brethrens minds were
richly laden with the inestimable pearls of sacred truth. Thus
qualified with mighty weapons--clad with a spiritual armor, many
whose hearts expanded with divine benevolence for the welfare of
immortal souls, travelled through whole kingdoms, and became
known by the name of the WANDERING ANABAPTISTS. [Rob.
Res., pp. 467, 513] To effectuate the object of their mission,
they carried with them a basket of portable wares, as our pedlars
do, which often gained them access to persons of great
respectability, when, if an opportunity offered, they would
introduce some part of the history of John or Jesus. Reiner, the
Judas among them, gave a full detail of their mode of
instruction, and their views of the catholic church. Father
Gretzer, who edited Reiners works in the fifteenth century,
affirms that this description of the Waldenses was a true picture
of the heretics of his age, particularly of the Anabaptists. [Id.
p. 314] This plan in the proceedings of these pious and
benevolent people, will remove one difficulty, as to their
maintaining their numbers and influence over almost whole
provinces, when we are assured their enemies on every side for
ages combined all their energies for their annihilation. This is
the key to the success of Gundulphus and Valdo, who had many
disciples, with Berenger, Valdos friend and follower. [Rob.
Res., p. 303] Each believers gifts and talents were brought
into requisition, and a multiplication of adherents ensued. It is
recorded, that so early as 1100, the religion of the Waldenses
had spread itself almost in all parts of Europe, even among the
Poles. That their doctrine differed little from the first
protestants, and their numbers were such as to defeat all power
that opposed it. [Danvers on Bap., p. 24, and Joness Lect.,
vol. ii. p. 429, from Sieur de la Popeliniere, see above, c. 2,
s. 8, ~ 11] They were described nearly in the following language:
"If a man loves those that desire to love God and Jesus
Christ, if he will neither curse, nor swear, nor lie, nor commit
lewdness, nor kill, nor deceive his neighbor, nor avenge himself
of his enemies, they presently say, he is a Vaudois--he deserves
to be punished." [Allixs Pied. Ch., e. 18, p. 163]
12. The centuriators of
Magdeburgh, under the twelfth century, recite from an old
manuscript the outlines of the Waldensian creed: viz. "In
articles of faith, the authority of the Holy Scripture is the
highest authority; and for that reason it is the standard of
judging; so that whatever doth not agree with the word of God is
deservedly to be rejected and avoided. The sacraments of the
church of Christ are two, baptism and the Lords supper.
That is the church of Christ which hears the pure doctrine of
Christ, and observes the ordinances instituted by Him, in
whatever place it exists." [Joness Hist. of the Ch.,
vol. ii. p. 56]
About the same period, Peter
de Bruys appeared as a public teacher. He was one of the chief
doctors of the Vaudois. He stands first on the list of those
pastors or bards of the valleys of Piedmont. [Joness Lect.
vol. ii., p. 207] His views have been already given. [Vide above,
c. 2, s. 8, ~ 6]
In 1120, the Vaudois put
forth a confession of their faith, from which we give the
following statements:--Art. 11. We hold in abhorrence all human
inventions, as proceeding from antichrist, &c. Art. 12. We do
believe that the sacraments are signs of the holy things, or as
visible emblems of invisible blessings. We regard it as proper,
and even necessary, that believers use these symbols or visible
forms, when it can be done. Notwithstanding which, we maintain
that believers may be saved without these signs, when they have
neither place nor opportunity of observing them. [Joness
Hist. of the Church, vol. ii. p. 55. Gillys Narr. app. 12]
13. The united labors of
Arnold of Brescia, Peter de Bruys, and Henry of Toulouse, must
have been productive of an amazing amount of good. These good
men held corresponding views of religion, which we have already
noticed; and their united services gave considerable
encouragement to dissenters. Their numerous followers were called
locally, for a considerable period, after the names of their
leaders, or their country; yet, in the course of time, they were
all known from inhabiting the valleys, under the generic term of
Waldenses. [Joness Lect., vol. ii. p. 214] The success of
Henry and others have been recorded in a previous section; the
complaints of Bernard and his fraternity, with the united
endeavors of the pontiff, the patrician, and the plebeian, to
stay their increase, were unsuccessful; "for the purity and
simplicity of that religion which these good men taught, the
spotless innocence of their lives, their neglect of riches and
honors, with an agreeable conversation, appeared so engaging to
all who had any true estimate of piety, as secured the increase
of numbers to their interests from time to time." [Mosh.
Hist. C. 12, pt. 2, c. 5, 12-13]
To aid the cause of real
religion, a tract was sent forth by the Puritans, about this
period, in the language of the ancient inhabitants of the
valleys, entitled, THE NOBLE LESSON. The writer,
supposing the world was drawing to a conclusion, refers to the
scriptures as a rule of guidance, and exhorts his brethren to
prayer, watching, and renouncing of the world. He speaks with
energy of death and judgment, the different issues of godliness
and wickedness; and from a review of scripture history connected
with the experience of the times in which he lived, concludes
that there are but few (in comparison of the world) that shall be
saved. In speaking of the apostles, it is observed, "they
spoke, without fear, of the doctrine of Christ; they preached to
Jews and Greeks, working miracles; and those that believed, they
baptized in the name of Jesus." [Morelands Hist., B.
1, c. 6, pp. 99, 116. Date of the Noble Lesson, says J.R. Peyrin,
is from 1170 to 1190. The 1100 years in that work does not refer
to the lesson, but to the time elapsed since John wrote. Rev.
2:18. Hist. Del., &c. p. 147] This poetic effusion, with
others from the Puritans, was supported by the poets of the age,
called Troubadours, who united with the Vaudois in
condemning the reigning vices of the times; their satires were
chiefly directed against the clergy and monks, whose crimes were
exposed in no measured terms. These Troubadours resorted to, and
were great favorites in different courts; and their productions,
written in the ancient language of Provence, were read by the
inhabitants of Italy and Spain. [MCries Hist. of
the Reform. in Italy, p. 15, &c. Mrs. Dobsons History
of the Troubadours] These circumstances, with the persecution
of Waldo and his followers at Lyons, many of whom fled for an
asylum into the valleys of Piedmont, with the new translation of
the Bible, combined to increase dissenters, and strengthen the
interests of religion in these abodes of peace. Their numbers
became so formidable, says Mosheim, as to menace the papal
jurisdiction with a fatal overthrow; which has been before
stated, with the evils resulting to the Albigensian churches from
the crusading armies. A catechism, bearing date this century,
says, "By the holy catholic church is meant all the elect of
God, from the beginning to the end, by the grace of God, through
the merits of Christ, gathered together by the Holy Spirit, and
fore-ordained to eternal life." This creed has no allusion
to baptism.
14. It has been observed,
and the thing is worthy of notice, that at a period when all the
potentates of Europe were combined to second the intolerant
measures of the court of Rome, the Dukes of Savoy, who were now
become the most absolute monarchs in Christendom, should have
allowed their subjects liberty of conscience, and protected them
in the legitimate exercise of their civil and religious
principles. Secluded in a considerable degree from general
observation, and taught by their religion to lead "quiet and
peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty;" the princes
and governors of the country in which they lived were continually
receiving the most favorable reports on them, as a people simple
in their manners, free from deceit and malice, upright in their
dealings, loyal to their governors, and ever ready to yield them
a cheerful obedience in everything that did not interfere with
the claims of conscience; and consequently, the governors
constantly turned a deaf ear to the solicitations of priests and
monks, to disturb their tranquillity. The tolerant principles of
the dukes, with the sequestered habitations of these people; the
difficulties of approaching their territories; their little
intercourse with the world, connected with their rusticity of
manners, were favorable circumstances to all the pious of the
glens of Piedmont, while it afforded nothing inviting to
strangers and the polite. Consequently, these people appear to
have enjoyed a considerable share of tranquillity, while their
brethren in the south of France were experiencing the fury of
papal vengeance. It is natural, therefore, to conclude, that,
when persecution raged against the churches of France, the
disciples of the Saviour in the French provinces would seek an
asylum among the Alps on the one side, and the recesses of the
Pyrenees on the other. These mountains, at all trying seasons,
afforded a retreat to all the sons of civil and religious
freedom. Those Albigenses who retired before the crusading army
visited France, lived long in the interior parts of the country,
in obscurity, and busied themselves, says Voltaire, in the
culture of barren lands. They had no priests, nor had they any
quarrels about religious worship. From various accessions, the
Waldenses had about this period, so greatly multiplied in the
valleys, as to require fresh abodes and territories in order to
support their rising families.
15. The zeal and activity
of the Waldenses were not cooled or checked by the destruction of
the Albigensian brotherhood, but they continued in their vigor,
promoting the interests of religion. In 1223, they had good
and extensive churches in many provinces and kingdoms. [Danvers
Hist., p. 23; MCries Italy, p. 5, &c.] In 1229,
they had spread themselves in great number throughout all Italy.
They had ten schools in Valcamonica alone, which were supported
by contributions from all their societies. In 1250, Reiner Sacco,
who had lived seventeen years among them, left the Waldenses, and
went over to the Catholic party, and from his persecuting
propensities, was raised to the office of inquisitor. He wrote an
account of this people, and their heresy; he says in his time
there was an innumerable multitude of Waldenses. He has stated
their antiquity with their sentiments on the ordinances.
[Walls Hist. of Inf. Bap., pt. 2, p. 246] Their increase
and stability in the valleys occasioned an effort to be made so
early as 1252, to introduce the inquisition into Piedmont; but
the sanguinary proceedings of those officers of his holiness,
against the Languedocians, had sufficiently opened the eyes of
the inhabitants to the spirit and design of that infernal court;
besides, it was found to interfere with the duties of the
magistrate; it also came into conflict with resident bishops and
priests of the same community, which occasioned considerable
opposition from various quarters; but the Piedmontese, like some
others, townsmen and citizens, wisely resisted its establishment
among them at this early period.* These pious inhabitants of the
valleys maintained evidently their footing in the face of all
opposition; since Perrin estimates their number in 1260, at eight
hundred thousand persons.+ It is true, they had sustained in
France and Germany, within this century, by deaths in every form,
the loss of innumerable multitudes; yet, such were their number
and remaining strength, their churches were still found to exist
in Albania, Lombardy, Milan, in Romagna, Vicenza, Florence, Val
Spoletine, and Constantinople, Philadelphia, Sclavonia, Bulgaria,
Diagonitia; at after periods they were found in considerable
numbers in Sicily, and posterior to their persecution in Picardy,
they dispersed themselves into Livonia and Sarmatia, spreading
themselves over other provinces and kingdoms. [Joness
Lect. vol. ii. pp. 255, 430, 488]
[* In 1270 this OFFICE OF
INQUISITION was matured. The inquiry after heretics and their
property in 1208, led to the organization of a society for the
destruction of the liberties, properties, and lives of all
persons suspected of incredulity towards the Roman hierarchy.
Wherever the holy office was established, terror was
inspired to such a degree, that suspicion seemed there to have a
sovereign reign. Ignorance, and a servile conduct to the officers
of the order, appeared the only palladium to life or property.
Religion was not the only object promoted by this machine. Beauty
and money had charms, and were interwoven in its movements.
Millions were ruined, and millions were banished by it.
Limborchs Inquis. ab. ed. 1816; Gavins Master Key
to Popery; Joness Ecc. Lect., vol. ii. p. 355.]
[+ Hist. of the Old Wald.,
b. 2, c. 11. Benedict, in his History of the American Baptists,
computes seven adherents to each communicant; suppose we say
three to each communicant of this name, this would make the
adherents alone to these churches amount to nearly two millions
and a half; these, added to the members or communicants, 800,000,
produce 3,200,000 persons possessing evangelical views. This
number will quadrate by and by, with the moving shoals of
Anabaptists in Germany and other kingdoms.]
6. In 1300, many of the
Waldenses emigrated; some went into Provence, and settled in the
district of Avignon, where they labored and lived in credit;
others obtained grants of land in the marquisate of Salucis; many
took up their residence on the river Dora; while the greater
portion of emigrants, at an after period, went into Calabria, in
the extremity of Italy on the east, to which place they were
invited by the lords of the soil; and where arrangements were
made for their enjoying civil and religious privileges. Here
they erected villages, and the colony prospered for a
considerable time; of which success we have already spoken. The
Waldenses, in their emigrations, went off from the main body in
the valleys, in sufficient numbers to form colonies in other
parts of different dimensions, and in their newly-acquired
places, they were not only mutual aids in the common concerns of
life, but, carrying with them the enkindled ember, they lighted
up the lamp and altar, as companions and safeguards to their
tents; assembled themselves as a church, and so diffused the
sacred illumination all around. As expressive of their characters
and designs, they selected a lamp ignited, with the motto,
"the light shineth in darkness." In this capacity, in
the new region, this people formed a nucleus, around which the
materials of the district were collected, and under the smiles of
their Redeemer were gathered in, and impregnated with the same
particles of sanctity as dignified the founders of the interest.
17. For one hundred and
thirty years after the destruction of the churches in France, the
Waldenses in these valleys experienced a tolerable portion of
ease, and a respite from the severity of a general persecution;
all which time they multiplied greatly, and were as a people whom
the Lord had evidently blessed; they took deep root, they filled
the land, they covered the hills with their shadow, and sent out
their boughs unto the sea, and their branches unto the river.
Yet they were occasionally troubled by the inquisitors, who
severely used those who fell into their hands, as was experienced
in some parts of Germany. In Picardy, the severity of their
afflictions drove many into Poland, but here they were disturbed
in 1330, by the inquisitors. "In 1370," says
MCrie, "the Vaudois who resided in the valleys of
Pragela, finding themselves straitened, sent out a colony to
Calabria, where they flourished for nearly two centuries."
Towards the latter end of this century, some of the Waldenses
suffered in Paris from the monks.
18. About the year 1400, a
violent outrage was committed upon the Waldenses inhabiting the
valley Pragela, in Piedmont, by a Catholic party residing in the
neighborhood. The attack, which seems to have been of the
most furious kind, was made towards the end of December, when the
mountains were covered with snow, and thereby rendered so
difficult of access that the peaceable inhabitants of these
valleys were wholly unapprised that any such attempt was
meditated; and the persecutors were in actual possession of their
caves ere the owners seem to have been apprised of any hostile
design against them. In this pitiable strait they had recourse to
the only alternative which remained for saving their lives--they
fled, though at that inauspicious season of the year, to one of
the highest mountains of the Alps, with their wives and children;
the unhappy mothers carrying the cradle in one hand, and in the
other, leading such of the offspring as were able to walk. Their
inhuman invaders pursued them in their flight, until darkness
obscured the objects of their fury. Many were slain before they
could reach the mountains. Overtaken by the shades of night,
these afflicted outcasts wandered up and down the mountains
covered with snow; destitute of the means of shelter from the
inclemency of the weather, or of supporting themselves under it,
by any of the comforts which Providence has destined for that
purpose; benumbed with cold, some fell asleep, and became an easy
prey to the severity of the climate; and when the night had
passed away, them were found in their cradles, or lying upon the
snow, fourscore of their infants, deprived of life; many of their
mothers were dead by their side, and others just on the point of
expiring. During the night their enemies had plundered their
abodes of everything that was valuable. This seems to have been
the first general attack made by the Catholic peasantry on the
Waldenses. They had been hitherto sheltered from the
pontiffs measures, by the Dukes of Savoy, so that the rage
of their enemies had been restrained to a few solitary cases of
arrested heresy; but this kind of assault, planned, no doubt, by
the clergy, was of a novel character; and so deeply impressed
were the minds of these people with the circumstances of the
sufferers, as to speak of it for a century after, with feelings
of apparent horror. We have rather minutely detailed this affair,
in order to show its influence on the minds of the Waldenses, and
to account, in some measure, for the change which took place soon
after, in their views and conduct.
19. The combination of
enemies and powers against this people, becomes now more
ostensible. The valleys Fraissiniere, Argentiere, and Loyse, seem
to have abounded with Waldenses in 1460; at which period, a
Franciscan monk, armed with inquisitorial power, was sent on a
mission of persecution, and to drive the inhabitants from the
neighborhood. Such was the ardor with which this zealot
proceeded in his odious measures, that scarcely any persons in
those valleys escaped being apprehended, either as heretics, or
as their abettors. The king of France, on application, interfered
on behalf of the inoffensive Vaudois, but his majestys
instructions were so interpreted as to give sanction to
additional acts of cruelty; and to every remonstrance this
emissary of evil turned a deaf ear.
20. At this period, 1480,
Claudius Seisselius, Archbishop of Turin, resided in the valleys;
from his situation and office, he must have known something of
these people. He says of the Waldenses, "Their heresy
excepted, they generally live a purer life than other Christians.
They never swear but by compulsion, and rarely take Gods
name in vain. They fulfill their promise with punctuality, and
live, for the most part, in poverty; they profess to preserve the
apostolic life and doctrine. They also profess it to be their
desire to overcome only by the simplicity of faith, by purity of
conscience, and integrity of life; not by philosophical niceties,
and theological subtleties. In their lives and morals they are
perfectly irreprehensible, and without reproach among men,
addicting themselves with all their might to observe the commands
of God. All sorts of people have repeatedly endeavored, but in
vain, to root them out; for, even yet contrary to the opinion of
all men, they still remain conquerors, or at least wholly
invincible." [Joness Hist. of Christian Ch.,
vol. ii. pp. 47, 79]
21. Innocent the 8th, was
promoted to the Tiara in 1484. This pontiff, in the spirit of his
predecessor, of infamous notoriety, Innocent III, issued his
bulls for the extirpation of the Waldenses, and appointed
officers to carry the same into effect. "We have
heard," said the pope, "and it is come to our
knowledge, not without much displeasure, that certain sons of
iniquity, followers of that abominable and pernicious sect of
malignant men, called "the poor of Lyons," or
Waldenses, who have so long ago endeavored, in Piedmont and other
places, to ensnare the sheep belonging to God," &c.
These indications of vengeance, and the ensuing measures, had
considerable influence on them. Whether the halcyon days of these
people had permitted them to subside into a Laodicean state, or
whether they were terrified by the popes threats we cannot
ascertain, but one thing is certain, their line of policy
subsequently adopted, of defending themselves with the sword, was
a wide departure from their early creed, which suggests their
degeneracy, and their wavering faith in the divine promises.
22. The pontiffs
measures were not vapor. An army was soon raised by Albert, the
popes legate, and marched directly into the valley of
Loyse. The inhabitants, apprised of their approach, fled to
their caves at the tops of the mountains, carrying with them
their children, and whatever valuables they possessed, as well as
what was thought necessary for their support. The lieutenant,
finding the inhabitants all fled, and that not an individual
appeared with whom he could converse, had considerable trouble in
discovering their retreats; when, causing quantities of wood to
be placed at the entrance of their caves, he ordered the same to
be set on fire. The consequence of this inhuman conduct was, four
hundred children were suffocated in their cradles, or in the arms
of their dead mothers, while multitudes to avoid death by
suffocation, or being committed to the flames, precipitated
themselves headlong from their caverns upon the rocks below,
where they were dashed to pieces; if any escaped death by the
fall, they were immediately slaughtered by the brutal soldiers. It
appears more than three thousand men and women, belonging to the
valley of Loyse, perished on this occasion. Measures equally
ferocious, were adopted against the inoffensive inhabitants of
other valleys, and with a like cruel success. Sentences were now
publicly given against them in various churches. Innocent VIII
appeared as resolved at this period to free the world of these
dissenters, as Innocent the III had been in the thirteenth
century, to rid Languedoc of the Albigenses. The pontiff was
himself filled with terrible apprehensions of danger. The Turks
threatened Europe generally on the one hand, and dangers were
seen to await the church from dissidents, on the other. The pope
strongly exhorted European princes to put a stop to the progress
of both. In order to have pecuniary means adequate to the
expenses of these undertakings, indulgences to sin were sold by
the servants of the church, and pardons for crimes past, or to be
committed, could be purchased of those Panders of hell. So
effectual were the papal measures, that the inhabitants were
wholly extirpated in the above-named valleys, and these abodes
were afterwards peopled with new inhabitants. [See Lady
Morgans Letters for the present state of the valleys.]
In 1487, scenes of barbarous
cruelty awaited those long privileged people, who inhabited other
districts of Piedmont, and in the ensuing year, to complete the
work of destruction, an army of eighteen thousand men marched
into those sequestered parts. The early Waldenses forbade war,
and even prohibited self defense, but their patience was now worn
out, Dan. 7:25, and they now departed from their ancestors
creed. They armed themselves with wooden targets and cross-bows,
availing themselves of the advantages of their situation and
country, everywhere defended the defiles of their mountains, and
repulsed the invaders. The women and children, an affecting
sight, were on their knees during the conflict, and in the
simplest language, arising from overwhelming distress, and the
prospect of losing all (their religion and their lives),
entreated the Lord to spare and protect his people. Such were the
feelings inspired in the bosoms of this people, by the sanguinary
and brutal conduct of the inquisitors and soldiers, that FEAR led
them to avoid public worship, and in time their worship was
observed wholly in private. Some of the Waldenses found it
expedient occasionally to conform to that communion which their
ancestors had ever viewed as the harlot in the Apocalypse. Evidences
now increase, and become but too apparent of a degeneracy from
their primitive purity and practice. A succession of adverse
circumstances awaited the Waldenses. The inquisitors, who lay in
ambush, issued out their processes daily against them, and as
often as they could apprehend any of them, they were delivered
over to the secular arm for punishment. The sanguinary
proceedings of Rome appeared either to have triumphed over its
enemies, or to have exhausted its malice. The heretics, or
Waldenses, were destroyed or driven into obscurity, and the state
of the Catholic church at the beginning of the sixteenth century
was unusually calm and tranquil. The witnesses ceased to trouble
the church. [Joness Lect., vol. ii. pp. 490-8]
23. Under cover of
convincing them of their errors, and preventing the effusion of
blood, a monk was deputed to hold a conference with them; but the
monk returned in confusion, owning that, in his whole life, he
had never known so much of the Scriptures as he had learned,
during those few days he conversed with heretics. Others
visited them by the bishops appointment, and returned with
similar views and convictions. The king of France, Francis I,
being informed of the charges brought against the Waldenses in
Provence, deputed a nobleman to inquire into their characters and
mode of living. The report of the nobleman to his Majesty
reflected great credit on the Waldenses. Louis XII, in 1498,
deputed two confidential servants to investigate and report on
accusations brought against these people. On their return to
court, they said, "their places of worship were free from
those ornaments found in Catholic churches. They discovered no
crimes, but on the contrary, they keep the sabbath-day, observe
the ordinance of baptism according to the primitive church (not
as the Catholic church), instructed their children in the
articles of the Christian faith, and the commandments of
God." Consequently the king understood they were innocent
and an inoffensive people, and that they were persecuted in order
that their enemies might possess their property. [Mezerays
Fr. Hist., p. 948] "The first lesson the Waldenses teach
those whom they bring over to their party," says Reiner,
"is, as to what kind of persons the disciples of Christ
ought to be; and this they do by the doctrine of the evangelists
and apostles; saying that those only are followers of the
apostles who imitate their manner of life," [Joness
Lect., vol. ii. pp. 469-475] and that a man is then first
baptized (i. e. rightly baptized) when he is received into their
society. [Allixs Pied. Ch., c. 20, p. 190] So effectual was
their mode of instruction, that many among them could retain in
their memories most of the New Testament writings. The celebrated
president and historian Thuanus, says, "their clothing is of
the skins of sheep, they have no linen; they inhabit (A.D.
1543--1590) seven villages; their houses are constructed of flint
stone, having a flat roof covered with mud. In these they live
with their cattle, separated however from them by a fence. [Very
similar to the Irish peasantry of this day.] They have also two
caves set apart for particular purposes, in one of which they
conceal their cattle, in the other themselves, when hunted by
their enemies. They live on milk and venison, being, through
constant practice, excellent marksmen. Poor as they are, they are
content, and live in a state of seclusion from the rest of
mankind. One thing is very remarkable, that persons, externally
so savage and rude, should have so much moral cultivation. They
can all read and write. They know French sufficiently for the
understanding of the Bible, and singing of psalms. You can
scarcely find a boy among them who cannot give an intelligent
account of the faith which they profess. In this, indeed, they
resemble their brethren of the other valleys. They pay tribute
with good conscience, and the obligation of this duty is
particularly noted in their confession of faith. If, by reason of
the civil wars, they are prevented from doing this, they
carefully set apart the sum, and, at the first opportunity, pay
it to the kings tax-gatherers." This great man was a
candid enemy.
24. The schism which took
place in the Roman community, through the public preaching and
writing of Luther and his associates, must have been a source of
infinite satisfaction to the persecuted Waldenses. When the
barbs, or pastors of the valleys, became acquainted with the
reformation in Germany, they deputed, in 1526, persons to visit
and inquire into its truth. The deputation returned with some
printed books to the brethren. "The Vaudois took
encouragement," says Mezeray, "to preach openly from
Luthers appearing in the character of a reformer, but these
zealous advocates for religion were punished by a decree made by
Anthony Chassaue, and massacred." [Fr. Hist., p. 615] It was
found by the Waldenses in their communications and conferences
with Luther, that their views were not in unison with his on the
ordinances, but that they were more conformable to the
sacramentarians, or those who deny the real presence. [Id., p.
948] Other brethren made a like visit into Germany, and conferred
with colampadius, Bucer, and others, who from the statement
given, exhorted them to remedy certain evils which they perceived
to exist among them; viz.--First, In certain points of doctrine;
Secondly, In church order; and Thirdly, In irregular conduct of
members, who mingled with Catholics in worship. After these
preliminaries, the Waldenses appear, during 1530, to have been
employed in paving the way for a more unreserved intercourse
between themselves and the reformers. THEIR LAODICIAN STATE
will easily account for their conformity, when we know their
spiritual condition occasioned colampadius to say, "We
understand that the fear of persecution hath caused you to
conceal and dissemble your faith--but those who are ashamed to
confess Christ before the world shall find no acceptance with
God," &c. &c. Those who could dissemble their
faith, could as easily change it, which we find was the
employment of many of these churches in different provinces
during the year 1532. After much difficulty, many
conferences, and a world of trouble, to mould these dissidents
into conformity, a creed was made, ratified, and confirmed, in
1533, and the Waldensian brethren were comprehended and relieved
from the ban of re-baptizing, while it was widely announced, that
the Waldensian creed had ever been, in orthodoxy, one with the
reformers. [Rob. Res., pp. 423-4; Joness Lect., vol.
ii. pp. 499, 507] Calvin, who began in 1534 to preach the
reforming doctrines, was found in his views more in accordance
with the sentiments of the sacramentarians, or anabaptists, than
Luther. "His views overthrew all ceremonies," says
Mezeray, "and, consequently, the Waldenses left
Luthers orthodoxy for communion with the reformed churches
under Calvin. [Fr. Hist., pp. 597, 948] Some of those
churches, or state communities under Calvin, amounted in a few
years to ten thousand members in each, but whether infants are
included or not, is not expressed. If not, it proves the vast
numbers received into the corporations of those persons who had
for ages sustained nonconformity. From this period, all
dissenters from the Catholic church were called Lutherans
in France and other provinces, though improperly. Some called
them Sacramentares, because they denied the real presence,
but in 1560 they were called Huguenots, because they held
their assemblies at midnight, at a gate called Hugon, or rather,
because of their being in league with each other. [Mezerays
Fr. Hist. p. 667; Brownings Hist. of the Huguenots of
the 16th Century] The favor the Italian protestants
entertained for the reformed church, allow us to concede the
comprehension, during this and the ensuing age, of the greater
portion. [Joness Ecc. Lect. No. 50]
25. One of the Waldensian
bards, George Morell, who formed part of the deputation to
Germany in 1533, and who published Memoirs of the History of
their Churches, states, that at the time of his writing, there
were more than eight hundred thousand persons professing the
religion of the Waldenses. As to the extent of Puritanism
among them, it cannot be ascertained, since, from the severity of
the times, many in these valleys had occasionally or entirely
conformed. It seems difficult, after the destruction of these
people in Piedmont, to admit Morells statement, unless in
the term Waldenses he includes the Anabaptists, who abounded in
Holland and Germany, which shall be shown anon. Hitherto these
people had been obliged to confine themselves to manuscripts; and
in the Waldensian tongue, they seem not to have generally
possessed an entire version of the whole Bible, but the New
Testament only, and some particular books of the old. They now
(1535), however, contracted with a printer in Switzerland, for an
entire impression of the whole Bible in French, for the sum of
fifteen hundred crowns of gold.
26. Agreeably to the
advice received from the reformers, the Waldenses opened again
their places of worship, and their ministers appeared openly as
teachers of the people, adopting every spiritual means to
resuscitate their drooping communities; but this bold and
commendable position being reported to the duke of Savoy awakened
his displeasure. It is now but too ostensible that the
hitherto tolerant dukes listened to the proposals and facinorous
measures of the court of Rome. The sovereign of Savoy raised an
army to suppress the dissenters in those places over which his
predecessors had for eight centuries extended their protection.
The army surprised the people, but, recovering from the panic,
each left his employ, and, by means of slings and stones, they
compelled the army to retire without booty. From this defeat the
duke gave them up to all the cruelties of the inquisitors.
[Joness Lect., vol. ii., lect. 50] An Observantine monk,
preaching one day at Imola, told the people that it behooved them
to purchase heaven by the merit of their good works. A boy who
was present, exclaimed, "Thats blasphemy for the Bible
tells us that Christ purchased heaven by his sufferings and
death, and bestows it on us freely by his mercy." A dispute
of considerable length ensued between the youth and the preacher.
Provoked at the pertinent replies of his juvenile opponent, and
at the favorable reception which the audience gave them,
"Get you gone, you young rascal!" exclaimed the monk,
"you are just come from the cradle, and will you take it
upon you to judge of sacred things, which the most learned cannot
explain?" "Did you never read these words, out of
the mouths of babes and sucklings, God perfects
praise?" rejoined the youth; upon which the preacher
quitted the pulpit in wrathful confusion, breathing out
threatenings against the poor boy, who was instantly thrown into
prison, "where he still lies," says the writer. Dec.
31, 1544. [MCries Italy, p. 117, &c.]
27. "In this year,
1554, the Waldenses put forth a confession," says Sleidan,
"expressive of their religious views. In Art. 4th, they
say, "We believe that there is one holy church comprising
the whole assembly of the elect and faithful, that have existed
from the beginning of the world, and shall be to the end
thereof." Art. 7th; "We believe in the ordinance of
baptism, the water is the visible and external sign, which
represents to us that which, by virtue of Gods invisible
operation, is within us, namely, the renovation of our minds, and
the mortification of our members through the faith of Jesus
Christ; and by this ordinance we are received into the holy
congregation of Gods people, previously professing and
declaring our faith and change of life." [Joness Hist.
Chris. Ch., vol. ii., ch. 5, ~ 3, pp. 59-60] This creed was
probably sent forth to show the reasonableness of their views,
and to moderate the prejudices of the duke to whom they had been
misrepresented. Though many of their brethren had taken shelter
in the establishment, and consequently gave support to the
sprinkling of infants now first adopted as to healthy children at
Geneva, [Dr. Walls Hist., pt. 2, c. 9, ~ 2, pp. 365-6] yet,
in this confession there is no compromise of the subject, it is
sufficiently plain that paedobaptism had no encouragement from
the persons from whom these attires emanated.
28. In 1561, these
Dissenters sustained another fierce and formidable attack, but
they again defeated their opponents. Calvin and Beza, with a
benevolence in accordance with their eminent piety, on hearing of
these good mens distresses, obtained a liberal supply from
various sources, to meet their temporary wants. Harassed
incessantly, and always liable to the fury of the holy office,
occasioned some of the brethren to migrate, while others,
influenced perhaps from various motives, were led to unite with
the churches of France and Geneva. [Mosh. Hist., vol. iv., p. 69]
Whether the Waldenses embraced the reformed religion, from a hope
of mitigating their sufferings, or were drawn over by the
kindness of Calvin, or whether they from conviction saw
differently to their former declarations, we leave; but the
change of their belief was pleaded by the Bishop of Meux, for
recalling the edict of Nantz. [Allixs Pied. Ch., pref.] It
does not appear, that any great difference existed between the
Sacramentarians or Anabaptists, and Calvins doctrinal
views, but the principal points of discrepancy were on the
churchs constitution and discipline; but to these things
they became familiar, and with a state church, they embraced for
its defence, a state sword.* Such were the accessions which these
churches realized, that in 1571, the year before the general
massacre, they amounted to 2,150, and some of which contained
10,000 members. [Lon. Ency., vol. xviii., p. 458, Art. Reform.]
[* The Waldenses in France
and other provinces, who embraced Calvins views, found
their enemies active and malicious. The persons, under the names
of Sacramentarians, Huguenots, or Calvinists, devised a plan to
secure their chief enemies in France, viz., the Duke of Guise and
others, 1560, by force of arms; but the plan was discovered, and
they were defeated and hung. The violence of the Catholics drove
the Reformers to arms; wherever the Huguenots were masters they
abolished the Catholic religion, and broke their images; adopting
a system of odious retaliation; for when they met with monks or
clergy, they cut off their ears and their virilia, and did vast
mischief by way of reprisals, so that, in tormenting the monks
and priests, they rendered themselves execrable to the people.
Mezeray, pp. 665, 681, 957--959. This conduct in the Calvinists
led to the Bartholomew massacre! This picture of Paedobaptists,
obscures Munster madmen: autem, comparationes odiosae sunt.]
29. Though the reformed
churches embraced a great portion of the Waldenses, after
infinite pains had been taken to quadrate their minds to the
reformers sentiments, "and then," says Robinson,
"equal pains were taken to prove that they had always
subsisted in the uniform orthodoxy of the reformed church
[Resear. p. 423]; yet all the Vaudois did not yield their
faith to the mandate of hierarchists. There were some
remains of the Vaudois, or poor of Lyons, in the valleys of
Dauphine, who had pastors, and held their assemblies apart; they
were a little independent republic, as well for matters of
religion as for government." The pope caused this
abode of happiness to be stormed, and the Vaudois were destroyed
or driven out of those valleys. [Mezerays Fr. Hist., p.
948] Others who were banished from the soil had never heard
the name of Luther, [Joness Hist. Christian Ch., vol. ii.,
and Joness Lect. vol. ii 647, note] and down to 1630, some
retained their puritanical views. [Mosh. Hist., vol. iii. p.
295] But at this period those circumstances and changes did take
place among this people, that each writer admits of a general
degeneracy. [Gillys Narr., pp. 76, 249]
30. In 1655, the Waldenses
were called to sufferings of the most serious character, which
awakened all the protestant princes of Europe; and Oliver
Cromwell, on hearing of their persecution, rose like a lion
from his lair, and Sir Samuel Moreland was deputed by him
to visit the valleys, to intercede with their oppressors, and to
render such aid as would relieve their present wants.
[Joness Lect., No. 53] By way of exhibiting the reasons of
their choice in divine things, the inoffensiveness of their lives
and doctrine, and to enlist the attention of Protestants to their
case, as well as disarm their enemies of any grounds for
misrepresentation, they published a confession of their faith,
from which the following articles are taken: Art. 25. That the
church is a company of the faithful, who, having been elected
before the foundation of the world, and called with a holy
calling, come to unite themselves to follow the word of God,
believing whatsoever he teacheth them, and living in his fear.
Art. 26. And that all the elect are upheld and preserved by the
power of God in such sort, that they all persevere in the faith
unto the end, and remain united in the holy church, as so many
living members thereof. Art. 28. That God doth not only instruct
and teach us by his word, but has also ordained certain
sacraments to be joined with it, as means to unite us into
Christ, and to make us partakers of his benefits; and that there
are only two of them belonging in common to all the members of
the church under the New Testament, to wit, baptism and the
Lords Supper. Art. 29. That God hath ordained the sacrament
of baptism to be a testimony of our adoption, and of our being
cleansed from our sins by the blood of Christ, and renewed in
holiness of life. [Gillys Narr. Appen. 12]
31. It is pleasing to
discover a remnant of the Vaudois still witnessing, as their
ancestors had done, the faith and practice of the gospel, though
it is not in our power to say to what extent churches supporting
the above views then existed. In 1685, Oct. 8, the edict of
Nantz was repealed, by which act no toleration could be allowed
to Dissenters from the Catholic church. Fifteen days were allowed
to Protestant ministers to leave the kingdom; two millions of
persons were condemned by this instrument, and banished from
their native soil. This cruel instrument ruined the Protestant
churches, and freed France and other kingdoms from the witnesses
of the truth. If any remained, it was at the peril of life and
liberty; yet some braved the danger, and worshipped unseen and
unheard by malicious foes. "Pious females, shrouded by the
night, bent their way amidst darkness and danger towards the spot
assigned for their religious services--a dark lanthorn guided
their perilous steps; arrived at their temple, amidst the rocks,
two walking-sticks hastily struck in the ground, and covered with
a black silk apron of the female auditors, formed what was called
the pulpit of the desert. To such an assembly how eloquent must
have appeared the lessons of that preacher, who braved death at
every word he uttered; how impressive that service, the attending
of which incurred the penalty of fetters for life. These were the
glorious days of Baptists in France; these were her proudest
triumphs; she could then boast of valor of which the world was
not worthy; her martyrs then bore testimony to their faith at the
fatal tree, or were chained for life to the oar of the galleys;
and women, with the same noble feelings, in the same sacred
cause, shrank not from perpetual imprisonment in the gloomy tower
that overhangs the shores of the Mediterranean." [Life of
Claude prefixed to his Del., p. 54. Oct.; Claudes Complaints
of Protestants; Dr. Gillys Narrative, and Bap. Mag.,
vol. viii. p. 89, 1816]
32. The severity of the
measures used by the armies of France and Savoy exceed this year
in cruelty those of 1655. The Swiss cantons sent deputies to
the Duke of Savoy, who, now tired with human carnage, at their
entreaty set open the prison-doors, and those who survived were
ordered to leave in peace. [Joness Lect., vol. ii. p. 644,
Lect. 56; The Glorious recovery by the Vaudois, of their Valleys,
&c., by H.D. Acland, London, 1827; Authentic Details of
the Waldenses in Piedmont, &c., London, 1827. Dr.
Beatties Waldenses. &c.] The Swiss government not
being able to procure of France or Savoy any toleration for the
Waldenses or Huguenots, led Henry Arnaud and about four hundred
of these exiles, in 1689, to try to recover their native land
with sword in hand. These men did and suffered much of a
marvellous character, and after fighting and suffering, were
permitted to settle in their native soil.
33. How far these men and
their posterity can be considered the genuine successors of the
old Vaudois, we leave with Dr. Gilly and others. We admit, they
soon became regular in their education and ordination, agreeably
to the rubric of the state. Their frockless and stipendless
bishops, Napoleon enrolled among the Catholic clergy. These
modern Waldenses are not Calvinists, they are not professed
Puritans, they partake of the amusements and diversions of the
world, they communicate in state order four times a year. Dr.
Gilly, who evidently felt the tenderness of the ground he
explored, says, in 1823, "they do not object to infant
baptism," but he gives no early date to prove an early
practice. Alas! how is the gold become dim! [It is remarkable
that the church clergy should claim succession to the Waldenses,
and yet plead apostolic ordination through the regular line of
popes, Joan, Alexander, Leo, &c., in the Roman Church, when
these different interests were always religious antipodes.]
_____________________________
APPENDIX TO THE WALDENSIAN
SECTION
Doctrinal and
Denominational Sentiments of the Waldensian Churches.
1. Since the publication of
Perrins history of these people, in 1619, many able pens
have been employed to rescue their names from reproach, while
each writer has, from the character of these Vaudois, been
desirous of finding their religious creed in alliance with his
own. Bishop Bossuet says, "Provided any person complained of
any doctrine of the church, and especially, if he murmured
against the pope, whatever he were in other respects, or whatever
opinions he held, he is put into a catalogue of predecessors of
Protestants, and judged worthy to support the succession of their
churches. As to the Vaudois (whom you claim) they were a species
of Donatists, and worse than the ancient Donatists of
Africa." Again he says, "You call Claude of Turin one
of your apostolical church; you adopt Henry and Peter Bruys; both
of these every one knows were Anabaptists." Rob. Res. p.
476. We shall sequently submit the testimonies of accredited
writers on these debateable points, and prove our affinity from
other assertions.
2. The following statements
establish their doctrinal views.
Genebrard asserts that the
Henricians, Petrobrussians, Arnauldists, Apostolicis (Fathers of
the Calvinists), with the Waldenses and the Albigenses, were
similar in views with Luther and Calvin. Legers Hist, p.
155. Dr. Allixs Albig. Church, ch. 18, p. 172.
Reiner says, "the
Lionists believe in the Trinity, as the church does," Rob.
Res. p. 445.
Lindanus, a Catholic bishop
asserts, Calvin inherited the doctrines of the Waldenses.
Joness Lect., vol. ii. p. 456.
Gaulter, a monk, shows the
Waldensian creed was in accordance with the Calvinistic views.
Ibid.
AEneas Sylvius, (Pope Pius
II) declares, the doctrines taught by Calvin to be the same as
those of the Waldenses. Ibid.
Ecchius reproaches Luther
with renewing the heresies of the Albigenses and Waldenses of
Wickliff and Huss, which had been long condemned. Ibid.
Sieur de la Popeliniere, a
French historian, says, the principles of the Waldenses extended
throughout Europe, even unto Poland and Lithuania. These
doctrines, which may be traced from A.D., 1100, differ very
little from the Protestants of the Reformation. Danvers
Hist., p. 25.
Mezeray, the historian of
France, observes, the pope, at the Council of Tours, made a
decree against heretics, i.e., a kind of Manicheans, who held
almost the same doctrines as the Calvinists, and were properly
Henricians and Vaudois. The people who could distinguish them,
called them alike names with Cathares, Paterines, Boulgres,
&c., p. 242, under King. Calvins doctrines were more
conformed to the Anabaptists in the valleys, than Luthers,
ib. Topladys Hist. Proof., vol. i.p. 151.
3. The subjoined extracts
prove the denominational views of these people.
The fact is,--the forming of
Christian congregations in the established church of Piedmont and
Savoy, like the gospel itself, began with baptism. Rob. Res., p.
468, and Hist. Bap., p. 581.
The people, the ancestors of
the Waldenses, were termed Vaudois, (Id. Res. p. 299.) Puritans,
(Mosh. Hist., c. 12, p. 2. c. 5, ~ 4, note.) Paterines,
(Allixs Ch. Pied., c.-14, p. 128) Lyonists, (Mosh. Hist.,
Id., ~ 11, Joness Lect. 2, 238) Petrobrussians,
(Walls History, part 2, c. 7, ~ 3, p. 220) Arnoldists,
(Facts Op. to Fict., p. 46. from Platina), Berengarians (Wall,
ut. sup. ). These, with the Paulicians, were one and the same
people, (Jones, Id., p. 276. Mosh. Hist., Id. 224; Wall, Id.,
230.) and so far as information can be obtained, were all
Anti-paedobaptists, which has been previously proved in their
respective sections. These all agreed in one article of
discipline, they re-baptized all such as came into their
communion from the Catholic church, hence were called
Anabaptists. Joness Lect., vol. ii. p. 410.
In the seventh century, we
have A LITURGY of Bobbio, near Genoa, but this directory contains
no office for the baptism of children, nor the least hint of
pouring or sprinkling; on the contrary, there is a directory for
making a Christian of a pagan, before baptism, and for washing
the feet after it; and there is the delivery of the creed in
Lent, with exhortations to competents, and suitable collects,
epistles, and gospels, as in other ordinals, preparatory to
baptism, on holy Saturday. The introductory discourse of the
presbyter before delivering the creed, runs thus, "Dear
brethren, the divine sacraments are not so properly matters of
investigation, as of faith, and not only of faith, but also of
fear, for no one can receive the discipline of faith, unless he
have for a foundation, the fear of the Lord. * * * * You are
about to hear the creed, therefore, to day, for without that,
neither can Christ be announced, nor can you exercise faith, nor
can baptism be administered." * * * After the presbyter had
repeated the creed, he expounded it, sentence by sentence,
referring to trine immersion, and closed with repeated
observations on the absolute necessity of faith, in order to a
worthy participation of baptism. Rob. Res. pp. 473, 4.
The Gothic LITURGY, used in
France, at this period, (670) has the manner of baptizing stated,
but Dr. Allix could find no infant baptism in that document. Ch.
of Albig. c. 7, p. 60, &c.
The same is asserted of the
Roman, Ambrosian, Milanese, Spanish, Grecian, &c.; all these
show the mode, single and trine immersion, yet nothing is said of
infant baptism, but they appear composed, like all the Grecian,
expressly for adult baptism. Rob. Res. 387.
During the kingdoms of the
Goths and Lombards, the Baptists, or, as they were called by
Catholics, Anabaptists, had their share of churches and
baptisteries in these provinces, though they held no communion
with Rome, Milan, Aquileia, Ravenna, or any other hierarchy.
But the laws of emperors
deprived them of these edifices, and transferred them to the
Catholic party. Rob. Res. p. 405.
When Bishop Gerard, of Arras
and Cambray, charged the Waldenses with abhorring (catholic)
baptism, they said baptism added nothing to our justification,
and a strange will, a strange faith, and a strange confession, do
not seem to belong to, or be of any advantage to a little child,
who neither wills nor runs, who knows nothing of faith, and is
altogether ignorant of his own good and salvation, in whom there
can be no desire of regeneration, and from whom no confession of
faith can be expected. Allixs Ch. Pied., c. 11, p. 95.
Jortins Rem. on Hist., vol. v.p. 27.
The Waldensian confession of
faith, in 1120, sets forth, "We regard it as proper, and
even necessary, that believers use these symbols or visible forms
(baptism and the Lords Supper) when it can be done, * * *
though we maintain believers can be saved without (Joness
Hist. of the Ch. Church, vol. ii. c. 5, ~ 5, p. 55), in case they
have no place or means to use them (Gillys Nar., Ap. 12).
But surely, there were no difficulties in sprinkling a child,
this could be done at any time, though there might be many
difficulties in the way of immersing believers, and to those
obstructions this confession, and an ensuing one, plainly
alludes.
The Lateran Council of 1139
did enforce infant baptism by severe measures, and successive
councils condemned the Waldenses for rejecting it. Walls
Hist., pt. 2, p. 242. 300 Denominational Views
Evervinus of Stanfield
complained to Bernard, Abbot of Clairval, that Cologne was
infected with Waldensian heretics, who denied baptism to infants.
Allixs Ch. Pied., c. 16, p. 140.
Peter, Abbot of Clugny, wrote
against the Waldenses, on account of their denying infant
baptism. Ivimeys Hist. of the Eng. Bap., vol. i. p.
21.
Bernard the saint, the
renowned Abbot of Clairval, says, the Albigenses and Waldenses
administer baptism only to the adults. They do not believe infant
baptism. Facts op. to Fict., p. 47.
Ecbertus Schonaugiensis, who
wrote against this people, declares, They say that baptism does
no good to infants; therefore, such as come over to their sect,
they baptize in a private way; that is, without the pomp and
public parade of the catholics. Walls Hist., pt. 2, p. 228.
Ermengendus, a great man in
the [Catholic] church, charges the Waldenses with denying infant
baptism. Danvers on Bap., p. 298.
At a council held in Lombez,
the good men of Lyons were condemned: one charge was, that they
denied infants to be saved by baptism. Joness Lect., vol.
ii. p. 240.
The Waldenses were condemned,
in conference, at Albi; when the bishop of Lyons, to convince
them of their error, produced what were considered proofs for
infant baptism, and tried to solve their objection from infants
wanting faith, without which they said it was impossible to
please God. (Heb. 11:6, Rom. 14:23.) Allixs Ch. Albig., c.
15, p. 133.
Alexander III, in council
condemned the Waldensian or Puritan heresy, for denying baptism
to infants. Danvers on Bap., p. 301.
Alanus Magnus states, that
they denied the ordinance to children. He disputes their views,
and refutes their opinions. Allixs Ch. Albig., c. 16, p.
145.
The Waldenses admitted the
catechumeni to baptism, after an exact instruction, a long fast,
in which the church united, to witness to them the concern they
took in their conversion, and a confession of sins in token of
contrition. The newly-baptized were, the same day, admitted to
the Eucharist, with all the brethren and sisters present.
Allixs Ch. Pied., c. 2. pp. 7-8.
The Poor of Lyons, for
denying the sacraments, and practising otherwise in baptism than
the church of Rome, were called by Baronius, Anabaptists. Danvers
on Bap. p. 303.
Mezeray says, In baptism, in
the twelfth century, they plunged the candidate in the sacred
font, to show them what operation that sacrament hath on the
soul. Hist. of France, 12 cent., p. 288.
The Ordibarians or Waldenses,
say, that baptism does no good to infants, unless they are
perfected (by instruction first) in that sect. Walls Hist.,
pt. 2, p. 233.
A catechism, emanating from
the Waldenses, during the thirteenth century, has no allusion to
infant baptism. It says of the church catholic, that it is the
elect of God, from the beginning to the end, by the grace of God,
through the merit of Christ, gathered together by the Holy
Spirit, and fore-ordained to eternal life. Gillys Narr.
App. 12.
Peter de Bruys and Henry,
with other reformers, whose religious views we have given, were,
says Mezeray, two principal doctors among these people; and yet
these are said to have re-baptized all persons before fellowship.
Fr. Hist. and Walls Hist. and Bossuet. Vat.
Reiner Sacco, who lived among
the Waldenses seventeen years, and then went over to the catholic
party, and was raised to the bad eminence of an inquisitor,
asserts, They hold, that none of the ordinances of the church
which had been introduced since Christs ascension ought to
be observed, as being of no value. (Joness Hist. Ch., vol.
ii. p. 30.) And among all the sects which ever existed, none were
more pernicious to the church than the LYONISTS, from its
duration, from its extension, from its show of devotion, as they
believe rightly concerning the creed. (Bp. Newtons Diss.,
vol. ii. p. 250.) Some of them say that baptism is of no
advantage to infants, because they cannot believe, and that a man
is then first baptized, when he is received into their communion.
(Jones ut sup. ) Others were indifferent to the ordinances, whom
we should class with Quakers.
We may observe, with Dr.
Wall, that no man knew the Waldenses better than Reiner; yet we
see the difference between the two parties is not on doctrines,
but the ceremonies and pretensions of the Roman church. The
sacraments in Piedmont and England were the apple of strife. In
those bulls of popes and decrees of councils, year after year for
centuries, we see the charge maintained against them, of
neglecting infant baptism, without the shadow of evidence that
this charge was improperly made against any portion of this
people. Nor is there any document or testimony, quoted by
Paedobaptists of this period, showing that the Waldenses as a
body were wrongly charged in this affair. In all Dr. Walls
research, he found no document but what involved the
Paedobaptists in reproach. pt. 2, p. 221, ~ 3.
Claudius Seisselius says, the
Waldenses receive only what is written in the Old and New
Testaments. * * * They deny holy water, because neither Christ
nor his apostles made it or commanded it: as if we ought to say
or do nothing but what we read was done by them. Joness
Hist. of Chr. Ch., vol. ii. pp. 47
Montanus, in his Impress the
second, says, that the Waldenses, in the public declaration of
their faith to the French king, in the year 1521, assert in the
strongest terms the baptizing of believers, and denying that of
infants. Iwisks Chronol., p. 930, also Meringuss Hist.
of Baptism, p. 739.
The Waldenses in Italy held
the unity of the Godhead, the baptism of only believers, and the
right of private judgment, in which last two all agreed; but
these the Lutherans and Calvinists abhorred. This is fully
described by Reiner Sacco, being discussed freely, and the fraud
of their claim to them admirably cleared by Father Gretzer.
Robins. Res., p. 445, &c.
In their confession of faith,
dated by Sleiden, 1545, are the following sentiments:-- Art. 7.
We believe that in the ordinance of baptism, the water is the
visible and external sign, which represents to us that which, by
virtue of Gods invisible operation, is within us; namely,
the renovation of our minds, and the mortification of our
members, through [the faith of] Jesus Christ. And by this
ordinance, we are received into the holy congregation of
Gods people, previously professing and declaring our faith
and change of life. Evan. Mag. for 1819, p. 505; Joness Ch.
Hist., vol. ii. c. 5, ~ 3, pp. 59, &c.
Cardinal Hossius, who
presided at the council of Trent, and wrote a history of the
heresy of his own times, says, the Waldenses rejected infant
baptism, and re-baptized all who embraced their sentiments. In
his letters, apud. opera, pp. 112--213. Bap. Mag., vol. xiv. p.
53.
Bellarmine, a catholic writer
of repute, acknowledged the Waldenses to have held, that only
adults ought to be baptized. Facts Op. to Fict., p. 42.
Father Gretzer, who edited
Reiner Saccos works, after Reiners account of the
Waldenses, and their manner of teaching, added, This is a true
picture of the heretics of our age, particularly the Anabaptists.
Rob. Res., p. 315.
A Waldensian confession of
faith dated in Gilly, 1635, contains the following views:- Art.
28. That God does not only instruct and teach us by his word, but
has also ordained certain sacraments to be joined with it, as a
means to unite us unto Christ, and to make us partakers of his
benefits; and that there are only two of them belonging in common
to all the members of the church under the New Testament; to wit,
baptism and the Lords Supper. Art. 29. That God has
ordained the sacrament of baptism to be a testimonial of
our adoption, and of our being cleansed from our sins by the
blood of Jesus Christ, and renewed in holiness of life.
Gillys Narr. app. 12. This confession is altered by the
present Protestants of the Valleys, which may be seen by
comparing the above with a confession in Peyrins Historical
Defence, ed. by Rev. T. Sims, 1826, ~ 27, p. 463.
Limborch, professor of
divinity in the university of Amsterdam, and who wrote a history
of the inquisition, in comparing the Waldenses with the
Christians of his own times, says, To speak honestly what I
think, of all the modern sects of Christians, the Dutch Baptists
most resemble both the Albigenses and the Waldenses, but
particularly the latter. Robins. Res., p. 311.
Bossuet, bishop of Meaux,
says, the sect of the Waldenses is a kind of Donatistism, (Rob.
Res., p. 476, Allixs Ch. Pied., c. 20, p. 184,) and their
re-baptizing was an open declaration, that in the opinion of the
brethren, the Catholic church had lost baptism. Robins
Bap., p. 463.
Their views of baptism, says
Dr. Allix, were that it added nothing to justification, and
afforded no benefit to children. Ch. Pied., c. 11, p. 95, and Ch.
Albig., c. 18, p. 160.
Mosheim, chancellor of the
university of Gottingen, and author of the History of the
Church, concurs with Limborch in the family likeness of the
Waldenses with the Dutch Baptists, which shall be given in a
future section. Ch. Hist., vol. ii. p. 323, and vol. iii. p. 320.
The ancient Vaudois, says
Robinson, are distinguished from the later inhabitants and the
reformed churches, by not using any liturgy, by not compelling
faith, by condemning parochial churches, by not taking oaths, by
allowing every person, even women, to teach, by not practising
infant baptism, by not admitting godfathers, by rejecting all
sacerdotal habits, by denying all ecclesiastical orders of
priesthood, papal and episcopal, by not bearing arms, and by
their abhorrence of every species of persecution. This statement,
he says, was made soon after the Waldenses united with Calvin.
Rob. Eccles. Research., p. 461.
If the modern papers (of
Perrin, Moreland, Leger, &c.) describe the Vaudois
ancient customs, they baptized no infants. Id. p. 471.
Amidst all the productions of
early writers, friends and foes, confessors of the whole truth
and opposers of it, annalists, historians, recorders,
inquisitors, and others, with the labored researches of Usher,
Newton, Allix, Collier, Wall, Perrin, Leger, Moreland, Mosheim,
Macleane, Gilly, Sims, and others, all of the Paedobaptist
persuasion, with every advantage of learning on their side, who
collated councils, canons, synods, conferences, chronicles,
decrees, bulls, sermons, homilies, confessions, creeds,
liturgies, &c., from the private creed of Irenaeus, down to
the rules of Ausbergh; who examined documents at home, and
explored the territories abroad,--their united labors could never
produce a single dated document or testimony of Paedobaptism
among the Vaudois, separate from the Romish community, from
Novatians rupture to the death of the execrable monster,
Alexander VI, 1503.
The Waldenses brought up
their children in the nurture and admonition of the Lord; but
they neither sprinkled nor immersed them, under the notion of
administering Christian baptism. They were, in a word, so many
distinct churches of Antipaedobaptists. Joness Hist. of
Christ. Ch., pref. to fifth ed., 1826, p. xxvi.
We here accommodate Dr.
Allixs words to this subject: "It is very remarkable
that Egbert, Alanus, Gitaldus, and others, should accuse them of
one custom for ages, as belonging to all, if a distinction could
have been made." (Ch. Pied., c. 17, p. 155.) At the same
time, all their dated documents and confessions justify the
charge of neglecting the infant rite, while no testimony is
produced to prove the accusation unfounded, among this numerous
body, until the confession dated 1508, which states the writers
to be falsely called Waldenses. See Bohomenian sect.
3. Are we to conclude from
these consecutive documents, that no persons bearing the name of
Waldenses, saw and practised infant baptism with the Catholics?
By no means. There were in those days, as in the present, persons
who were found in every degree of distance from the established
church. "It would be difficult to trace," says Dr.
Allix, "the extent of those persons who held the truth
unsophisticated." We should, from all that is written of
them, divide the community into three sections. The Baptists,
whose history is given; the Anti-baptismists, or Quakers; and the
occasional conformists, or Paedobaptists. We shall state facts,
in order that the misstatements of our opponents may be seen in
their proper light.
The earliest claims which
Paedobaptists can establish to any section of these dissidents as
a distinct body from Rome, is from a document dated 1508. This
instrument is easily explained. During the ministry of Huss and
Jerome, many persons were brought into their congregations who
could not forego the Roman ceremonies. After Husss death, a
great many found in Ziscas army (1433), were called
Calixtines: i.e., persons who wished the cup in the eucharist
restored to the laity; but in every other respect were Catholics.
Another part was made up of those persons who were zealous for
reform in church and state: while a third part was called
Waldenses, or Picards, who interfered not in political affairs.
(Rob. Res., pp. 488-92.) Osiander says, These people were a mixed
society; some had lately separated from the church in the
business of the cup, and were called Calixtines, Hussites, and
Tharabites. (Allixs Ch. Pied., ch. 22, p. 214; and ch. 14,
p. 241. Mosh. Hist. cent. 15, p. 2, ch. 3, ~ 5.) That many of the
brethren, or Picards, opposed the baptism of infants. (Danvers
Hist., p. 328.) But the Hussites, or Picards, in Bohemia, being
inflamed with a divine zeal, took courage, says Allix, and
separated themselves from the Calixtines, or pretended Hussites,
setting up a distinct meeting in 1457, in several places,
supported only by divine assistance. (Allix, ib.) Such was the
unsettled state of the rest and remainder of this body, that they
published nine creeds, or confessions of faith, or rather one
creed amended and improved each time. (Robins. Res., p. 312.) The
fourth, with the fifth edition improved, was presented, it is
said, in 1508, to king Uladislaus, while he was in Hungary. The
confession presented to the king, says in the preface, that the
petitioning party were not Waldenses, though they were persecuted
under that name. Here we leave these Calixtine Paedobaptists
(Rob. ib.); and if in its mixture and unsettled condition, and
without unity of spirit, it may be termed a church, it is the
first church admitting of open communion which is found on
record, and is certainly a model for all kindred communities.
The next document referred by
Paedobaptists to prove infant baptism among the Waldenses, is the
SPIRITUAL ALMANAC. This instrument of
information is without date; though, for party purposes, it is
supposed to be very ancient. This is a glorious document to every
tyro in school. This almanac is not referred to by any early
writer: Dr. Allix does not mention it; Milner barely refers
to it, but says nothing of its age or date. This spiritual
almanac was written, as supposed, says Danvers, by George Moril,
about 1530 (Hist. p. 328): but to this work we shall allude
again.
Sir Samuel Moreland was sent
by Oliver Cromwell, in 1655, into the valleys of Piedmont, with
pecuniary aid, to the distressed inhabitants. His inquiries among
these people led to the possession of some MSS.; extracts from
which, Sir Samuel entitled, "The ancient discipline of
evangelical churches, extracted out of divers MSS., written in
their own language several hundred years before Luther."
(Evan. Mag. 1819, p. 408.) Those MSS. require a very close
investigation; since Allix detected two to be falsely chronicled
(Ch. Pied., ch. 18, p. 169); and the bishop of Meaux doubts the
date of Perrins document. (Id. ch. 20, p. 197.) But since
there were divers of these MSS.--and Moreland found it easy to
age them by centuries--we will try and quadrate their early
claims with other discoveries. Every one interested in the merits
of this discussion must be acquainted with the labors of William
Wall, vicar of Shoreham, Kent, on the subject of infant
baptism: for which history he obtained the honorary distinction
of D.D. This man of research was very anxious to exhibit
proofs of the uninterrupted practice of the infant rite from
apostolic days. He has aided, in some measure, the
anti-paedobaptist side of the question, without proving his own
thesis. He conceded the absence of example in apostolic days; and
in the middle ages, among the Albigenses and Waldenses,* his
best efforts prove a paucity of materials on his side of the
question: and much which he has said has been demonstrated by
Gale to be postulatory, with inferences falsely deduced. Yet his
history is allowed to be the best in the infant question. After
failing in his hands, it is not surprising to find the
Paedobaptist historians of our day acknowledge the rite to be an
"inextricable maze!" Walls solicitude to find his
views supported by a corresponding practice in the churches in
the valleys, is very evident. After grappling with the subject,
and belaboring through the leaden age of awful ignorance, cruel
calumnies, and odious barbarities, aided by the historians of the
valleys, Perrin and Leger, with Morelands account fresh
from the press--all advocates and coadjutors in the same
cause--yet the only statement, the best account Dr. Wall could
exhibit as demonstrative of the practice of Paedobaptism among
the Waldenses, is the following, from Perrin; taken from the Spiritual
Almanac. Wall quotes the Waldenses as saying--"That
their ancestors being constrained for some hundred years to
suffer their children to be baptized by the priests of the church
of Rome, they deferred the doing thereof as long as they could,
because they had in detestation those human inventions that were
added to the sacrament, which they held to be the pollution
thereof. And forasmuch as their own pastors were many times
abroad, employed in the service of the churches, they could not
have baptism administered to their infants by their own
ministers. For this cause they kept them long from baptism; which
the priests perceiving, and taking notice of, charged them with
this slander!" Wall, Hist. of Inf. Bap., pt. 2, ch. 7, 3, p.
221.
[* Paedobaptists having in
the seventeenth century used the Waldensian name as supporting
their rite, H. Danvers, Esq., challenged Baxter to produce one
single testimony of its existence among those churches. Baxter,
in his "More Proofs," quoted Usher; but, says Dr. Wall,
on examining Hovenden, the writer quoted by Usher, Danvers
cause was victorious;--Hist., pt. 2, oh. 7, S 3, p. 223. Dr.
Wall has, by his concession, allowed that no proof exists of its
practice in those churches.]
Now this is the best proof of
Paedobaptism in the valleys, even after an examination of
Morelands divers MSS. of evangelical churches, several
hundred years before Luther; and the SPIRITUAL ALMANAC is
often referred to as the strong fort. We ask, is this a true
picture of those people whose names we revere, and whose creed we
are anxious should be allied to our own, and which people we are
trying to claim as our puritan predecessors? Then we yield them
to Paedobaptists, and repudiate them from our pages as a people
we cannot respect. Did Dr. Wall give this quotation to confer
credit, or to burlesque the people? Does this statement reflect
honor or disgrace, and which preponderates? The popish priests,
perceiving the neglect and the slander incurred, are given as the
reasons for complying with things they had in detestation. What
particular mark did the water leave, so as to enable the priests
to discriminate and reproach--save the pastoral visits of such
priests to such occasional conformists, led to the inquiry and
disclosure of facts? What class of dissenters would at this day,
from the slander of priests, attend a ceremony they detested, and
who would claim a sodality with them whose ancestors had
sustained the same compromising character for centuries? And how
amazingly punctilious in mental sagacity were such Paedobaptists
in distinguishing between the authority for a traditional rite,
and those human inventions added; when the Church of Rome owns
the traditional character of the infant rite altogether, with
hundreds of the literati, who confess its absence in the
primitive church, while the practitioners of the present day are
divided on the grounds as well as the extent of its practice!
But we observe, the
Waldensian churches had regular and settled pastors. "A
stated ministry was always considered as a matter of great
importance among the Waldensian churches." (Joness
Lect., vol. ii. p. 459; Allixs Pied., ch. 24, p. 245.)
"Those barbs, or pastors, who remained at home in the
valleys, besides preaching, took upon them the disciplining and
instructing of the young," &c. (Danvers, p. 30, from
Moreland.) And Reiner charges them with communicating every
(Lords) day, which would require a stated and settled
ministry.
Were these Paedobaptists, as
given by Perrin and Wall, real Waldenses? I trow not. That the
Paedobaptists in Perrin, should succeed each other, for several
hundred years, and that successive generations should suffer
themselves to be constrained into a religious service, and for
them to be for centuries without ministers, satisfactorily
demonstrate their interests to have been very low, not 800,000,
as recorded, but distinct from the Waldensian churches, and even
through centuries not a thriving denomination. Indeed we shall
make it appear, that these were not a separate people, but
occasional conformists to the Roman church.
The Catholics baptized
children, with the first advocates, solely on the grounds of
original sin, and its accompanying salvation. Augustin had never
heard of a man (practicing it) who had not that view; and Dr.
Wall quotes early writers largely in point, and asserts, this
sense was disturbed by Calvin. (Hist. pt. 2, pp. 66, 451.) Now,
in Perrins account, given by Wall, those Paedobaptists make
no objection to the Catholic doctrinal views accompanying the
rite, and consequently could not be considered true dissidents
from that body.
But truth is always
consistent; and here we give the key to this class of professors.
"The believers of Lombardy, in the time of Gregory I,"
says Allix, "who were deprived of their ministers by
persecutions of Arians, carried their children to the Arian
priests to have them baptized." (Ch. Pied., ch. 24, p. 242.
) This conformity was the condition of peace; the place was the
established church; the creed was the Arian, and by one
immersion; the cause was the absence of their own minister.
Again, when inquisitors were commissioned by the pope, in 1176,
to visit the heretics in Languedoc, and by any and every means to
bring them over to the Catholic church: they took a creed with
them, to which they required the Vaudois fully to consent as the
terms of peace and paradise. This creed contained the following
objectionable clause: "We believe that none are saved,
excepting they are baptized; and that children are saved by
baptism; and that baptism is to be performed by a priest (not in
a river, but) in a church." (Danvers, p. 300.)
In the thirteenth century,
when the preaching monks went through the length and breadth of
the land, Collier, with others, says, that, on these occasions,
with the above creed, multitudes repaired to the Catholic
churches, and compromised their principles. (Gr. Hist. Diet.
Albig.) Multitudes must have previously neglected their infant
seed! A succession of such accommodating persons is plain,
since Reiner says, The Waldenses pursued "the same
dissembling course; they frequent our churches, are present at
divine worship, offer at the altar, receive the sacrament,
confess to the priests, &c. &c., though they scoff at our
institutions." (Joness Christian Ch., vol. ii. p. 34);
or, as the confession of Perrin, "they held them in
detestation." These compromising Vaudois, with their remote
ancestors and progeny, form evidently the class of evangelicals,
whose conduct is an exact key to Perrins account. This is
supported by their state in 1530; when the churches connected
with George Moril, to save themselves from Catholic rage, did go
to mass in Provence, and pleaded it was no great harm, provided
their hearts were kept right with God. For which prevarication
and hypocrisy, the reformer colampadius rebukes them, and
condemns the practice. (Perrins Hist.) Such were not
witnesses of the truth.
The Waldenses took the
Scriptures alone for their guidance, and carefully avoided all
human impositions in religious duties. The Catholics, with
the Vaudois, allowed infant baptism no higher authority than the
"tradition of the Fathers," and "the custom of the
church." (Milners End of all Controv., Lect.
30. Easky discussion, p. 79.) We are sure, a people who were
guided in all religious duties by a literal interpretation, as of
Christs sermon on the mount, would never adopt in their
churches a human rite. The real Waldenses looked upon infant
baptism to be one feature of Antichrist, since it borrowed the
form of sound words to support a lie, and conferred a spiritual
figure upon an alien to spiritual blessings.
The Vaudois did not practise
Paedobaptism, nor receive the sign of the cross; this they called
the mark of the beast. This is evident from the laws enacted to
regulate commercial affairs, and which excluded those from any
advantages in trade, who refused this shibboleth. The cross
running through the whole of that system is certainly the mark of
the beast. (Bp. Newton, Diss. 2, pp. 195, 289.) It was the ground
model of their sanctuaries, the ornament within and without; it
was placed on the forehead in baptism, and, by various digitary
motions, conferred on every part of the body; it was worn on the
clothes, or carried in the hand; it was the ensign of peace, or
the signal of war; it was the emblazonry of the field, and the
escutcheon of the mansion; it was the popes signet, and the
peasants security; it was the talisman in private, and the
Palladium of the public interest; the pontiffs tiara, the
churchs confidence, the communitys glory and dread.
This mark the Waldenses did not receive, and there was no baptism
conferred on infants without it. Whether infant baptism was
limited, or extensively practiced in the valleys, one conclusion
will force itself on every impartial inquirer, that those who
administered, and those who received the rite, would in every age
be viewed by Catholics in a more favorable light, than those who
denied infant baptism; consequently, those who agreed in so
essential a point of salvation, would find no great barrier to
communion in times of persecution, compared with those who, like
the real Waldenses, abhorred every vestige of the man of sin.
This is made plain by facts; for so soon as the Waldenses
embraced Paedobaptism, so far they were incorporated into
national churches in 1532-5. (Dr. Allixs Ch. Pied., ch. 20,
p. 184. See German Section.)
4. Bogue and Bennet, in
their History of Dissenters, felt
convincingly the difficulty of establishing a community of
Paedobaptists in the valleys separate from the Church of Rome;
and when called on to explain some harsh expressions about our
denomination, gave a postulatory statement, that the dissenting
interests were formed of mixed materials, and in
justification said, "That no evidence has been adduced to
make it evident that they (the Baptists) were a distinct body,
which excluded others from their communion." Any person,
with Mosheim in his hand, might controvert this gratuitous
assertion! We observe,
First. The church of
Jerusalem is satisfactory to negative this statement; Acts 2:41;
with the first account of church discipline extant, which says,
"This food we call the eucharist, of which none are allowed
to be partakers, but such only as are true believers, and have
been baptised in the laver of regeneration for the remission of
sins, and live according to Christs precepts." (Justin
Martyrs Apol., Reeves Trans., vol. i. ~ 86, p. 120.)
Dr. Wall asserts, that "no church ever gave the communion to
any person before they were baptized." (Hist., pt. 2, p.
441.)
Secondly. We have already
proved in the previous sections, and shall confirm the same
statements in future pages, that the terms of communion, in
the churches of Novatian, Donatus, Constantine Sylvanus, with the
Paterines in Italy, the followers of Peter de Bruys, who was a
doctor among the Albigenses, were, a profession of faith and
baptism: the latter held, "that persons baptized in
infancy are to be baptized after they believe, which is not to be
esteemed re-baptization, but right baptism." (Osiander Cent.
12, L. 3, p. 262.) "The Waldenses admitted the catechumeni
to baptism, after an exact instruction, a long fast, &c. and
then were admitted to the eucharist after baptism."
Allixs Ch. Pied. ch. 7, pp. 7, 8.
Thirdly. Robinsons
works on baptism might be considered a kind of literary excursion
to decry intolerance. His zeal for mental freedom led him to
examine minutely every early record on the terms of communion;
and his history of the controversy on this subject makes no
mention of the practice in any early church. (Works, vol.
iii. p. 141.) His earliest discovery bears date 1577. The Baptist
churches in Poland originated in some of Waldos disciples
leaving France in the twelfth century. These, with all our
churches, were established on the terms of strict communion.
(Rob. Res., p. 600.) At this period, 1577, Faustus Socinus
reached Cracow, and essayed to join the Baptists, but was refused
without baptism. He blamed the churches for their strictness, and
showed them by argument the innocency of mental error. (Others,
perhaps, would class Antinomianism, Sabellianism, and
Socinianism, in the catalogue of mental errors: but mental error
sanctioned and is virtually the grounds of the mixed system. )
Being a great and learned man, he brought many to see with
himself. He soon stood a member of the church; and by zeal and
charity, effected a radical change in the Baptist creed and
churches. (Rob. Res., p. 607.) He is now acknowledged as the
honorable head of the Socinian Baptist churches in Poland, though
himself was never baptized. Our views will be again exhibited on
the churches constitution, so as to prove the Baptists to
be a distinct body, from the great Catholic community of
Paedobaptists. As great names are apt to dazzle, and even set
aside facts, reason, and revelation, we caution all our readers
against receiving great sounding assertions in the room of facts.
There can be no proof of Paedobaptism, as practiced before the
sixteenth century, but among persons of the Catholic and Grecian
persuasion. Prove our assertion to be wrong, and you shall have
our thanks for your friendship. "Open communion arises from
a new state of things."--R. Hall. [DWC]
ORCHARD'S TABLE OF CONTENTS
BAPTIST HISTORY
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