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THE HERMIT KINGDOM: 
Confucianist Advantages for the Japanese. 

   

Korean society under the Yi dynasty was one with a lasting heritage of Confucianism, this orientation is due to the influence that China had on the region and due to the fact that Korea was a tributary state of the Chinese Empire(7). 

So too Japan's basic moral ethics came from a Confucianist base, as such even though the Confucianist government of the Yi dynasty was deposed at the onset of the occupation period, the Confucian values underlying the society were not. 

The importance of the maintenance of these values was clear, as the Japanese Government declared: 
    "The Koreans ... should be encouraged to pursue their old Confucian ethical teachings, under which not only have they lived for centuries, but upon which they have also founded their social considerations. Otherwise the healthy development of their moral character will not be advanced"(8). 
It is important however to recognise this for what it truly was. The implications behind the Confucian precepts being kept as an ethical guide for the people of Korea, would suit the Imperialist sentiment of the Japanese. As Confucianism dictates the moral behaviour of the people, predominantly by the `Five Relationships'(9). 

The precepts set out by the five relationships show clearly, that the Japanese wanted to maintain notions of Confucian moral conduct amongst the Korean people in order to foster devotion for their regime. As connotations held by the first precept indicate, the subjects of the land must give devotion and respect toward the ruler through filial piety. It could be seen that it was then hoped that this ideal would couple with the notion that the Japanese held the Mandate of rule for Korea. This would thus grant the occupation more authenticity. With the forced abdication of King KoJong (see figure 2) on July 19, and the instillation of the puppet King SunJong ruling from 1907-1910, particularly allowing this to take form. As such Korea then became a protectorate of the Japanese Empire under a treaty signed by King SunJong on July 25 of 1907. With the Royalty and Confucianist class believing that as both Korea and Japan had deep historical and cultural ties, a "big-little" brother relationship existed between the two.

  Though the mandate of rule was accepted by the Confucianists, probably because the Japanese policy toward them was protective. Additionally the Confucian examination system had come to an end , effectively granting officials under the King secure positions. The end of the Confucian examination system would also ensure a slow death for the Imperial system, cutting the artery that supplied fresh recruits to the Imperial system the officials resting in the existing stream of power would become more corrupt. This also left the Japanese free to replace officials with their own members as it was deemed necessary, or once positions became free. Hence one would expect the response of Korean Confucianists not to be as opposing or antagonistic as other elements of society. For the vast majority of Koreans this position would create not only hostility and resentment toward the new ruling power, but lead to the rise and formation of independence organisations, from which then originated the 3-1 Movement. 

As Korean Confucianism lacked a social concern for the welfare of the masses, it never became directly involved in any political action against Japanese rule. However during the rise of the March 1st Movement several Confucian leaders were invited to participate, yet this met with callous response, as such the decision to drop the literati in the involvement of the movement was made. Thus a perceived rejection of the Confucianist class occurred. The movement did not wish to look back upon the past, it's focus was the establishment of an independent and democratically ruled Korea. 

Initially though, it was probably hoped that the Confucianists could be used by the Nationalist Movement in order to cause a breakdown of the Japanese colonial structure. A structure which was firmly established under the puppet Emperor SunJong. Thus in the same way that the Confucianists were initially utilised by the Japanese to gain the mandate of rule over Korea, so too the Confucianist/aristocratic (Yang Ban) class if solicited to the side of the nationalist cause could rally the support of the King. If this was achieved then it might possibly have led to the downfall of cooperation between the Royalty and the Colonial administration. Even though the Japanese in essence controlled the King, seeing his power to change matters or to influence the situation in reality largely minimal. 

Fear of repercussions probably saw most of the Yang Ban class not want to act in association with any nationalist movement even though ideologically a few of them may have supported the cause, physically due to their position they were caught in constraints. 

After the demonstration though, some members of the literati were prompted to gather signatures from Confucian leaders to place on a `Petition for Independence'. A petition that would be different to that of the March 1st Movements `Declaration of Independence' as it was to be presented to the leaders of other nations, and not to the Japanese directly. This action also highlights the tenuous situation that the Confucianist class found themselves in. The substance of the Confucian petition was that independence was the desire of all Korean people. The signed document was then taken from Korea to Shanghai, where it was translated and from which it was then sent to Paris and other European capitals. 

The Korean Confucian movement outside Korea was slightly different however, one group the Society for the Glorious Restoration (Kwangboktan), would come to participate in anti-Japanese guerilla warfare in Manchuria. Although there aim, in line with most other Confucianists, was to firmly re-establish the independent rule of Korea under the Yi Dynasty, and to break Japans stronghold over the nation. 

Due to the fact that the Japanese Colonialists were upholding the Confucian order, protecting their power and status, and maintaining the power and positions they held prior to the occupation. Of all the intellectual and religious organisations in Korea, the Confucianists would prove to be the weakest and smallest contributor to the nationalist/independence cause. Yet unlike the other organisations the Confucianists were not seeking a new form of socialist or democratic government. Essentially they were harking back to the Imperial rule of the Yi dynasty. 



AWAKENING:  
The Dawn of Nationalist Thought.

The closing years of the Yi Dynasty would prove important for the instigation of nationalist movements for the following reasons: 
    I. Young intellectuals began to make small attempts to reform Korea in order to halt the demise of the kingdom. These efforts would prove later to be the beginnings of the nationalist movement.  

    II. The territorial-nationalists expanded during this period, and would continue to do so up until 1945.  

    III. As a result of the reverberating sound of the Korean Kingdom collapsing around them, the apathetic masses would awaken with a new found sense of nationalism.  
What emerged under the guidance of So Chae-P'il (Philip Jaisohn) at the end of the nineteenth century was a reform movement that would take the name of The Independence Club. Although establishing itself in 1896 and only lasting about two years the movement was a unique precedent in Korean history. Much like the 3-1 Movement would prove to be, the Independence Club was a failure. That is, in the sense that it never achieved the independence and the reforms that it sought. Although much like the 3-1 Movement, it was a success for other reasons. 

The leader, So Chae-P'il, belonged to a generation of young Koreans that had been exposed to Western thoughts. In fact he would later become an American citizen and marry an American women. After spending more than ten years in the States he returned to Korea with his wife in the hopes of establishing a democracy through an educational movement. Jaisohn rejected the post of Foreign-Minister (in the pro-Japanese government) that was offered him, electing to choose the position of adviser to the Privy Council in order to establish his goals. 

Jaisohn soon began to publish a bi-lingual (English-Korean) newspaper, The Independent. The pro-Japanese minister of Home Affairs provided government financial support for the publication and imported a printing press from Japan. The first issue ran off the press on April 7, 1896. The Korean edition starting at 300 copies, soon increased 10 fold to 3,000 copies. Indicating that the newspaper was receiving some response, at least from citizens in Seoul. 

The literary importance of the paper came with its advocation of onmun a Korean only character set (developed by King SeJong in 1443) - no Chinese characters were used. This innovation in the sole use of Korean language would not only set a precedent but a lasting impact. Even though the Korean script today does include the use of Chinese characters it is minimal compared to texts produced under the Yi Dynasty. This factor is also related to class and distinction. The scholarly class and those amongst the higher ranks of society would have only used Chinese characters, and would not have debased themselves to the level of the lower classes that were all able to easily read onmun. It may have been precisely for this reason that King SeJong invented the script, essentially in order to maintain a strong distinction between class and royalty. At the same time it would be possible to educate the peasant base through the use of onmun, an education that if controlled carefully could lead to the development of thought control and the spread of state propaganda. 

An interesting comment on The Independent and Korean society of the time was made by Isabella Bird Bishop, who wrote: 
    "Only those who have formed some idea of the besotted ignorance of the Korean concerning current events in his own country, and of the credulity which makes him the victim of every rumour set afloat in the capital, can appreciate the significance of this step and its probable effect in enlightening the people, and in creating a public opinion which shall sit in judgement on regal and official misdeeds. It is already fulfilling an important function in unearthing abuses and dragging them into daylight, and is creating a desire for rational education and reasonable reform, and is becoming something of a terror to evil-doers. ... The sight of newsboys passing through the streets with bundles of a newspaper in onmun under their arms, and of men reading them in their shops, is among the novelties of 1897"(10). 
Off shooting from the newspaper and true to Jaisohn's main track, a political party was organised in order to disseminate democratic ideals - it became known as The Independence Club. The club obtained use of the `China Adoration Hall', and renamed it the `Hall of Independence'. The base of the club was formed from high-ranking government officials and civilians and numbered about 30 people. As the activities of the club grew and Jaisohn's editorial arguments developed, a clash with the government was inevitable. The most remarkable instance in all of this, is that the Club's paper was government financed. Needless to say funds were soon withdrawn, the Japanese dominated Korean government even went so far as to petition President Theodore Roosevelt for the removal of Jaisohn from their country. However by 1898 circulation of the paper was high, and its members had grown to include young intellectuals who would come to form the base of the 3-1 Movement and other nationalist organisations under the rule of the Japanese Colonial regime. 

One of the largest impacts of The Independence Club came from its mobilisation of several thousand people into the main business street of Seoul on October 29, 1898 in order to hold a "Joint Conference of the Government Officials and the People". Participants were not only formed from club members, but expanded to include student groups as well as other organisations. Also included were some cabinet ministers who attended under pressure. The force of the conference caused the King to sanction and publish in the government gazette the following proposed six articles (which may have had their basis in the 1868 Charter Oath of Japan). 
    1. That both officials and people shall determine not to rely on any foreign aid but to do their best to strengthen and uphold the Imperial prerogatives.  
    2. That all documents pertaining to foreign loans, the hiring of foreign soldiers, to grant concessions, etc., in short, every document drawn up between the Korean government and a foreigner shall be signed and stamped by all the Ministers of State and President of the Privy Council.  
    3. That important offenders shall be punished only after they have been given a public trial and an ample opportunity to defend themselves.  
    4. That to His Majesty shall belong the power of appointing his ministers, but that in case the majority of the Cabinet disapproves a man, he shall not be appointed.  
    5. That all sources of revenue and methods of raising taxes shall be placed under the control of the Finance Department, no other department or officer or a private corporation being allowed to interfere therewith, and that the annual estimates and balance shall be made public.  
    6. That the existing laws and regulations shall be enforced without fear or favour(11).  
Following, an Imperial edict was issued on November 3 dictating that the Club be allowed to elect half the members of the Privy Council on November 5. This however proved to be the last straw for the Second Minister of the State Council (Cho Pyong-Sik) who was dismissed from his post because of the Club's opposition. It is reported that he produced a letter of intent from the Club claiming that it would declare a Republic on November 5 through the election of the Privy council. This letter whose authenticity can be doubted, was enough proof however to grant the arrests of the Club's leaders on the morning of November 5 shortly after which an Imperial order to disband the Club was decreed. 

Unseen before, this prompted demonstrations from the masses outside government buildings that lasted for several days. In addition merchants closed or shut-down their stores in traditional protest. Therefore due to popular support the leaders of the movement could not be kept imprisoned for long. The government then considered the use of arms to dispel the crowds. On the morning of November 21 a group disguised as peddlers penetrated the demonstration and proceeded to remove it's members by force. What ensued was a riot of blood-shed. In the end though, the demonstrations did hold some effect as the King came to pronounce that the peddlers be dispersed; those that had manufactured fabrications against the Independence Club should be punished; that the Club should be re-established; and that the Six Articles (above) should be gradually enforced. 

The meetings that did re-establish under the Club did not include the old government officials but included a more young intellectual student base than before. Young intellectuals who had probably been called to the cause of the movement as a result of the high profile demonstrations. As a result meetings became presumptuous and continued to be debased, which began to ensure the Clubs downfall. 

The significance of The Independence Club however lies in the fact that it was the only progressive movement under the old regime. Realistically it looked at maintaining the Imperial structure, through the modernisation and strengthening of it's branches. Unfortunately it neglected the truth that all beings seek self-preservation first, and that members of the existing structure would not take easily if at all to the forms of change the Club was seeking to introduce. 

Starting out with a base of 30 members it soon progressed over it's two year history to hold around 2,000 members. Given these figures amongst a 20 million populace the movement did at least show signs of vitality and growth. 

The factors that allowed for government tolerance of the Club would come from the influence over Korea from external powers seeking concessions (especially the Russians and the Japanese). During this period also Korean independence rose to the fore, with enlightenment (or more correctly imitation of the west) becoming an increasing fashion. 

The notion of Korean Independence during this time is also highlighted by the fact that the King of Korea promoted himself to the status of Emperor. This is an interesting historical point, as through the Confucian looking glass of International order, only the head of state of the `Middle Kingdom' can hold such a title. When considering the closeness in proximity to China, and the influence that China still held over Korea at the time this action would have proven very brazen indeed. 

Unfortunately for the Independence Club, Korea was not yet ready for the grass-root level progressive reform or nationalist independence movements that it had helped instill. The time would only prove ripe under the more adverse conditions of the Japanese occupation. 



THE WORLD OF ANNEXATION: 
The Development of a colony.

The formal rule of Korea by the Japanese came on the 22nd of August 1910, with an Annexation Treaty. With formal rule lasting until the official surrender of the Japanese Emperor in August of 1945. The Japanese would come to claim that their rule brought efficiency through reform. The Governor-General would function basically on an autonomous level under the Colonial Ministry until 1942, where Korea was then administered as part of Japan under the Home Ministry. The colonial systems of other nations had been carefully studied and service in Korea was to become a mark of distinction. However the colonialists started out with a spirit of contempt, and through a process of assimilation began to destroy the national ideals. 

During the first two decades of this rule the primary objective of the colonial economic policy lay in the development of agriculture. The Japanese found the Korean agricultural sector to be organised on a local level with ill-defined areas of common land and land that was loosely attached to estates of the former Aristocratic class or to the former Korean Royal family. Resulting from this the Japanese instigated a national land survey in order to determine precise ownership of land. Any land where the title could not be proven or was not proven as a result of the tenant farmer failing to register his plot, then went to the ownership of the Governor-General. The development of this newly acquired land was then left to the hands of the Japanese-owned Oriental Development Company, or leased to the large amount of settlers coming from Japan. 

Through the development of irrigation, drainage schemes and the intensive use of fertiliser, the Japanese were able to modernise the Korean agricultural sector therefore increasing the production of rice and other cereals. The effect of this saw many impoverished Koreans migrate to the cities or emigrate to Manchuria. Over a twenty year period the Japanese increased Korean rice production by one-third, yet one half of this total was exported to Japan. In real terms (taking the increase in population into account) the Korean per capita consumption of rice had actually decreased by over 40%(12). This reduction was reflected in the lowering of the basic standard of living and became a chief complaint against Japanese rule. Along with the consideration that the development of Korean capital was stifled by the closure of many Korean firms in competition with the Japanese. 

Although this was the case in the agricultural sector, there was also a systematic and consequential expansion of public works under the regime. Many new projects including roads, railways, bridges, harbours, schools and hospitals were completed. Although virtually all of these for military or strategic purposes. The communication system was improved, and on a significant level public health measures were introduced, with the years of the Japanese occupation seeing the Korean population actually double. 

Following the launch of the `China Incident' in 1937, the industrial targets of the Korean economy were controlled as part of the `Japan-Korea-Manchuria Resources Mobilization Plan'. So too, the relaxation of controls that would characterise the Japanese policy in Korea, after the 3-1 Movement, were reversed as Japan prepared for war. 

No doubt agricultural development was now overtaken by the importance of the manufacturing sector for its support of the war movement. The mining of coal, iron and other non-ferrous minerals found in North Korea was increased, and along with the development of iron and steel industries came the facilities for manufacturing machine tools. This would then see communications improve and the building of a new double tracked railway bridge in 1934 over the Yalu, between Sinuiji and Antung in Manchuria. The Japanese would boast this link to be the longest railway bridge in their Empire. 

During the decade from 1931 through until 1941, manufacturing would increase by 20%. With the pride of Japanese industrial development within Korea manifesting in the hydroelectric industry, with the completion of the 3,000 foot long Supung dam at Suiho on the Yalu river bordering Manchuria and Korea. The Japanese built a power house on the Korean side of the river, with the dam generating power for the industrial zone of southern Manchuria as well as for much of Korea(13). 

Later in early 1945 due to the `Japan and Korea One Body' (Naisen Ittai) wartime integration process. A plan was announced by the Japanese to elect 10 Korean representatives to the Upper House of the Diet in Tokyo, and also the election of 16 Korean representatives to the Lower House. Of course this was not implemented before the surrender of the Japanese war machine in August of 1945. 

Stepping back, the initial reaction to the oppressive Japanese military administration came in the form of vehement protest and occasional active resistance. As Myers suggests this was the reaction of a fearful, obstinate and antagonised colonial people to the reforms that the mostly civilian administration was trying to enforce. The residency-general had already taken over control of the Korean government and military, and established a police force the Gendarmerie which recruited Japanese as well as Koreans. This police force would also come to work in conjunction with the Korean police force. 

As a result of social upheaval, reform measures were instituted by harsh means. In the process of the social, political and educational transformations it was perceived that the liquidation of Korean national identity was in progress. With the trauma undergone by the Korean people at this stage of their history described by Gregory Henderson as "development shock"(14). 

Policing the sudden explosion of Korean national resentment towards the Japanese, that was focused by the March 1st Movement, the wrath of the Japanese military police began to manifest itself. This militia was given the power to enter any house without warrant and search it for subversive material, or to check on cleanliness. As was the usual case, summary judgment was passed on the spot without trial, with the usual punishment flogging by bamboo cane. After an arrest the person would be cut off from all communication until the matter of `case' was decided. It was also the responsibility of the police to obtain a `confession' from the criminal. This `confession' was often obtained through the use of torture. (See figure 3). 
The Gendarmerie were mostly used by the Japanese during the initial phases of Colonial establishment in order to impose militarily, a civil administration more quickly than otherwise. They were used in Korea up until 1919, and this is probably because around 95% of the population of the peninsula was indigenous. The impact of the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) saw Japan help establish a modern style police force in Korea. Shortly before the annexation, Japan would take complete control of Korean police affairs in order to merge the civil and military police forces. The new forces were put under the guidance of the new police headquarters in Seoul. With the Gendarmerie placed in the positions of leadership and responsibility, such as the Chief of Police and Heads of the Provincial Forces. Later the unwillingness on the part of the Japanese military men to switch from the gendarme dominated model, to a more civil style of policing, would account for the Japanese failure to prevent what was essentially a localised demonstration (the 3-1 Movement) from developing into a nation-wide anti-Japanese movement. In August of 1919, the Gendarmerie were abolished in Korea, partly due to international but more essentially internal pressures generated by the March 1st Independence Movement. A civil police force was then installed as the only policing force within Korea. 

The Japanese believing that education provides an effective way of equipping a people with a firmly gained and established sense of unity, went to work to recreate an atmosphere of more appropriate education for the Koreans. They established new schools, and used the Japanese language as the only official language. The study of both Korean language and Korean history was halted. The problem came as the Koreans realised schools established before the annexation showed that Japanese education was not the only road to modernisation. The Christian missionaries and their schools also prevented the Japanese to claim that they were the only foreign innovators in Korea. It would also end up being the missionaries that the Koreans would praise for the introduction of new sports and for advancements in the role and status of women. 

During the approaching year of 1919 the 3-1 Movement would have a great impact upon the Japanese education policy. The Japanese were rudely awoken to the fact that the acceptance of Japanese schooling did not necessarily mean docile loyalty to Japan. The role of the participants of education from the public and private sector in the Sam-il Movement could not be missed. Historically appearing in significant numbers, in the public arena for the first time, were female students demonstrating alongside their male counterparts. Therefore it can be interpreted by the response of students to the movement, that the Japanese efforts at assimilation through education, in fact contributed mostly only toward a sentiment that was strongly anti-Japanese, and the formation of a modern national consciousness. 

Presented with the likelihood of further discontent after the 1919 movement, the reigns of cultural autonomy were loosened. As a result censorship laws of the press began to take on duality. To a certain extent, the Japanese allowed the dissemination of nationalist ideals through the press, that is until the stage where as they were seen as revolutionary. This has already been illustrated by the case of The Independent. On the other hand, any glean of radical or socialist thought was immediately suppressed. 

Therefore an important event stemming from the censorship laws was the emergence of a secret press. The development of this underground network for the spread of nationalist sentiment, and its role in the organisation of the independence movement, is a necessary notion to acknowledge. 

It is also extremely important to realise that publishing and public debate were the two key elements vital to the spread and dissemination of nationalist ideological thought. Due to this fact, a posture of non-confrontation developed in the print media amongst the cultural nationalists who used the mainstream press as a vehicle to divulge their ideals. By following the censorship standard closely the Korean press became a leader of public opinion, and dare it be said probably the most important force in shaping the nationalist identity amongst the increasingly literate population. 

With increase in circulation of the press, especially of the Choson Ilbo and Dong-Ah Ilbo, another problem was posed to the Japanese - the expansion of Korean language. In any form, it was counter to the Colonial policy of cultural, political and economic assimilation with Japan. Additionally the publications undermined the linguistic assimilation also sought out by the Empire. With the growth of onmun spreading like a disease spawning a modern vernacular that would prove to be the genesis of modern Korean literature. Yet with the implications of the war these last two newspapers were forced to close down in 1940. However after the colonial period and Korean war the two newspapers would again re-establish printing, and are still in press today. 

Unfortunately the very success of the moderate-nationalists in surviving the way they did under the Japanese regime, would come to hamper their legitimacy as nationalist leaders after 1945. Most of the Left hence viewed the group as collaborationist, therefore a theatre of confrontation was set to be staged after the demise of Japanese rule. With the Left having established their base mostly in the north near the borders of Manchuria and the nationalists focusing their realm around Seoul. It is then easy to see how a struggle for independence would split the country between the socialist based organisations located in the North, and the more democratic based nationalist groups organized in the South. Eventually what would occur was that Syngman Rhee (mentioned later) at 73 years of age came to proclaim the Republic of Korea and establish himself as President. In response the Democratic Republic in the north challenged Rhee and laid claim to the dominion of all Korea - the Korean War would later ensue. 

The problem was that Korea had an already established sense of nationalism under the Confucian structure of the Yi Dynasty, and interpreted themselves as a unified country of Korean people with a single language and culture, and at the outset of their military rule the Japanese did not judge the response of the Korean people correctly. 

Using the powers of hindsight the loss of Korean Independence did allow for an intense modernisation process to occur in key areas of the economic sector. The economic exploitation of the agricultural sector if it can be justified, is balanced by the (strategically influenced) development of modern infrastructure. 

In terms of the period of occupation today, lasting impressions can be found. Travelling throughout both South Korea and Japan, it is not difficult to notice that the school uniforms are remarkably similar if not identical in each nation. (See figure 4). The style of the buildings are also extremely low, this is understandable in Japan due to the earthquakes, but not so much in Korea. 

It should also be noted that retaliation and resentment toward the former colonial masters is still extremely high, no Korean will easily yield to the notion that the strip of water between the two countries is known as the Sea of Japan. Even if the knowledge of the correct terminology exists, the Koreans still tend to use a direct-translation method from their mother tongue to English, citing the water as the East Sea. This also proves to highlight the fact of a biased education system still in place within Korea. 

The year 1995 saw the 50 year Anniversary of Liberation, a liberation brought about by the surrender of the Japanese Emperor and not by the Koreans, it also saw major celebrations throughout the nation as well as a major historical decision develop. The `Blue House', Korea's version of the White House, decided that the old Colonial Administration building should be demolished. (See figure 5). The building located on a site directly opposite the Palace, therefore blocked the view over the city of Seoul. The decision did create some opposition, but on the whole it received majority support. 




The Japanese chose the site for constructing the Colonial building in relation to the elements of Asian geomancy and shamanism. It is said that the building is situated directly over a key geomantic point. A point that sees all the divergent lines of power that run through Korea intersect. Accordingly this would have granted the Japanese a focal point, not only geographically but in the Korean mind-set, from which to administer supreme power along with dominancy. 

  





IDEOLOGY AND LEADERSHIP: 
Origins & Impact of the 3-1 Movement
In Self-determination.

Before commenting on the March 1st Movement of 1919 it is important to highlight some factors concerning the independence movement found in Korea, from this the 3-1 Movement can clearly be examined for what it was, and the impact that it held on the society of the time can be centralised. 

In essence what is the most important aspect of the overall Korean independence movement is actually the fact that there really was literally no discourse of ideology. There was no single doctrine that would act as a unifying force for all movements that participated sporadically in the role of independence movements. Although at times alien ideology would spark organisation around it's particular bent, and allow for the design of independence stratagems, no principle was ever `Koreanised'. Examples are: Wilson's principle of self-determination for the March First Uprising, the Comintern's theses on Korean Communism, and anarchism for the terrorist activities that often had a devastating effect by eliminating or attempting to eliminate the Japanese through assassinations and the like(15) . 

Since there was never a full utilisation of the foreign concepts that the Koreans were trying to use, this may indicate that indeed there was actually little comprehension behind the alien ideologies. The goal of movements toward independence reflected more issues of patriotism and racism than anything else. Essentially the Korean Revolutionary Movement can be classified as a non-ideological rebellion against alien domination. The struggle henceforth then focused upon the destination of cessation of the Japanese domination of Korea, and the attainment of an independent statehood, but not the road to travel in order to get there. Indeed the attainment of an independent state for all Korea is still yet to happen. Additionally it was up to the forces of foreign powers to accomplish the expulsion of the Japanese. The quintessence of the matter would suggest that the Independence Movement has still yet to run its full path. 

On January 8 of 1918 President Wilson would put down his Fourteen Points (see Appendix E), including within, the notion of self-determination. `The points' were established in relation to achieving a peace during the First World War, and it is doubtful whether Wilson could have ever imagined the impact that these points would have held for the people of many countries that were stirred by his statements, including the people of Korea. 


It is important to realise though that the Koreans were aware that `the Points' were only made in reference to the colonies of the defeated powers. However they hoped to make the most out of the changes in the international situation of the time. Thus it would have appeared possible to make what appeared a small chance into a big chance. 

The first Korean group to respond was the Korean Nationalist Association based in Hawaii. As members met in San Francisco to decide on a petition that would be sent to the Peace Conference, to the effect that Wilson should recognise the Independence of Korea after the war. The plan was that Syngman Rhee and Chong Han-Gyong would set out for Paris via Washington DC. Despite the preparations however the delegates were unable to follow through as they did not have passports. They could not get them issued by the US as they were classed as Japanese citizens and thus had to apply to Japanese authorities for the necessary documents, which of course proved unfruitful. As such the delegates sent out a petition to the President through the New York Times of March 17, as follows: 
    "President Wilson has been asked by the Korean National Association to initiate action at the Peace Conference looking to independence for Korea, with the country to be guided by a mandatory until such time as the League of Nations shall decide that it is `fit for self-government'. The copy of the letter to the President was made public here today by Syngman Rhee, who, with Henry Chung, is an authorised delegate of the association in the United States"(16). 
The Korean nationalists or The New Korea Youth Association in Shanghai however, independent of those in the United States, were successful in their endeavour of sending a delegate to the Peace Conference. Two copies of a petition for Korean independence were prepared, with one copy addressed to President Wilson, and the other to the Peace Conference. At the same time Kim Kyu-Sik was sent from Beijing to carry out propaganda activities for Korea at the Conference. 

Yet another group external to Korea responded to the Fourteen Points - the Korean students in Japan. They organised a committee that decided that a `Declaration of Independence' should be sent to the Japanese government, members of the Diet, and foreign diplomats. Song Ke-Baek was then sent from Tokyo to Korea with a copy of the declaration and a message to the effect that on February 8 the students in Tokyo intended to declare independence. The students secretly advanced a movement termed the Korean Youth Independence Corps, and drafted a `Petition for a Call of the National Congress', a `Declaration of Independence' and a `Resolution'. Due to the locality the Petition was scribed in Japanese. The Declaration and Resolution inked in Korean, Japanese and English. On the stated date of February 8, copies were sent to Japanese cabinet members, members of the Diet, the Korean Governor-General, various newspapers, magazines and scholars. The students held a meeting that afternoon where modes of promoting the independence movement were pronounced. Those assembled soon became impassioned and police were called in, resulting in 27 arrests and 9 prison sentences. 

News of the above events would soon reach the ears of nationalist leaders within Korea, spurring their activities. With the activities of the Korean students in Japan creating the most arousal, and probably the most amount of influence upon the internal Korean independence movements. 

With the sudden death of the former King (KoJong) on January 22, 1919, the entire population became affected. The cause of death was pronounced cerebral anaemia. However the Japanese were blamed for his death, as rumours were abound. Some stated he was poisoned, where as others said he was killed for not signing an oath opposing independence. Regardless, March 3 was set as the official funeral date. With the approach of the funeral, the notion of the death of Korea's hope for independent rule heightened. 

Planning to manipulate the funeral of the King for their own ends the nationalist leaders (who came to be behind the March 1st Movement) - Ch'oe Rin, Ch'oe Nam-son, Soong Chin-U, and Hyon Sang-Yun - agreed on the following: 
    - Solicit comrades and execute nationwide demonstrations for independence  
    - Issue the `Declaration of Independence'  
    - Submit memorandums to the Japanese government, to the two Legislative Houses, and to the Governor-General  
    - Send a message to the American President asking for assistance toward independence  
    - Send messages to the foreign representatives at the Peace Conference asking for assistance toward independence  
    - Ch'oe Nam-Son to draft the Declaration, memoranda and the messages  
    - Issue the documents in the name of representatives of the Korean people  
    - Select representatives from among members of Ch'ondogyo (a Buddhist based organisation), Christians, and renowned figures of the defunct Korean government  
After the draft documents were approved on February 26, on midnight of the next day 21,000 copies of the `Declaration' had been printed and sorted for distribution with Im Kyu translating what was necessary into Japanese and setting off for Tokyo. Another detail of the movement planned for March 1 of 1919 was a paper entitled The Independence News. The first copies being printed at dawn of that day. With the areas that would receive copies of the `Declaration of Independence' being: Seoul, Sonchon, P'yongyang, Wonsan, Yonghung, P'yonggang, Kimhwa, Haeju, Sariwon, Sohung, Suan, Koksan, Kaesong, Ch'ongju, Taegu, Masan, Tongnae, Kunsan, Chonju and Imsil(17). (Please see Appendices B through D in order to gain insight into the strategic points of these cities). 

Staying in the February of 1919 we can see that Buddhist leaders agreed to take part in the movement, along with Seoul student groups. The setting of the date for the movement was then agreed to as March 1. The funeral set for the 3rd, would see thousands of people come from various regional areas of the nation to Seoul prior to the date, an opportunity therefore existed too great to ignore - exploit this fact as a vehicle for the nationalist cause. The time and place was then set for the signing and reading of the `Declaration' at 2pm in Pagoda Park. The slogan Long Live Independence would also be shouted not only in Seoul but in all cities and towns of the nation. It was organised that the message to President Wilson and the Peace Conference be delivered by the Christians, whilst the Buddhists submitted the memorandums to the Japanese legislature. 

From the effort that went into the many preparations of the movement and the development of its organisation it is surprising that the Japanese police received no definite hint of the underground activities. As a result a mysterious appearance of a manifesto issued in the name of the National Congress appeared posted along the main street of Seoul on the dawn of March 1 (see Appendix F for a full version of the text). 

At 2pm on March 1, 1919 the signatories of the `Declaration of Independence' met as planned. The memorandum to the Governor-General was delivered by a student, and the police were notified of the event. The intent of the organisers can be illustrated by seven points extracted from the declaration, these are: 
    - Korea is an independent nation  
    - Korea is suffering under an alien oppression  
    - Every Korean has a moral duty to bring about independence  
    - The merging of Japan and Korea is altogether harmful  
    - The independence of Korea will be for the good of Japan, Korea, and China  
    - A new age of justice has come  
    - Koreans must display their desire and ability to maintain independence  
Actually after reading the document, it hardly seems a declaration at all, more a documented petition for independence and a call for the Korean people to rise up for that right. 

Strolling back to Pagoda Park and within the vicinity, it could be seen that people had begun to amass since noon. On the strike of two the declaration was read aloud by a young man in Pagoda Park in Seoul whom on the completion of the reading declared that since the country was now independent all should shout man-se (see Appendix G for a transcription of the Declaration). Man-se is an early Korean demonstration chant, holding connotations to the effect of `come together for the cause'. The Korean flag flew high, students distributed 1,500 copies of the declaration throughout Seoul as the people continued to shout man-se and began to work themselves into a frenzy. (See figure 7). 

  

The Japanese police arrived in time to arrest the leaders of the movement as they were raising a toast. The crowd met the vehicle carrying the leaders of the movement, surrounded it, applauded and continued their chant. The leaders would return the enthusiasm and continue to hand out copies of the Declaration. 

The crowd would then split into three groups of peaceful demonstrators. (See figure 8). The first group moved toward the former Palace (Toksu-gang), where the body of the King lay awaiting the funeral, from where they then continued to march the streets. The second group mobilised its way toward the American consulate and along to the French one, where speeches were delivered. The final group marched toward the Colonial Administration Building. As the procession reached the Japanese residential area violence emerged. The Japanese police appeared and ordered the participants to disband. Whispers began that the police were awaiting the cover of darkness so that they could massacre the group, as a result panic ensued. Japanese residents watching the scene then began to join the police in their beatings of the Koreans with fists, feet and sticks. At this point the movement then began to turn into one of racial strife(18). The Koreans could do virtually nothing about this as it was illegal for them to carry any form of weapon, besides they were participating in what was supposed to be maintained as a peaceful process under the role of passive resistance. 

  

Due to carefully planned underground organisation, on the same day demonstrations in a similar vain were prompted in other Korean cities. Carrying on to the second day demonstrations would also begin in new areas. Needless to say due to colonial policy and the nature of the exercises severe repressive measures were then enforced. Korean sources estimate around 2,000,000 participants in the movement. For a full break down of arrests relating to the March 1st Movement by province, religious affiliation, education, age and occupation, please examine Appendix H at the end of this document. As the tables show, the range of participants clearly indicate that the movement was truly nationalistic and came to involve a wide and representative cross-section of society. 

The brutality exhibited by the colonial powers and the depth of the movement in the first place contributed to the move toward more liberal assimilationist policies. The Japanese viewed the movement through a window of anxiety, believing they had lost `face' as a reputable colonial power. As Yoshino states: 
    "The uprising in Korea is a great stain upon the history of the Taisho period, which we must exert every effort to wipe away. Unless we do so successfully it will not only reflect upon the honour of the most advanced country in East Asia, but will have a serious impact upon our national destiny"(19). 
Reports estimated that the Japanese killed 7,509 Koreans, wounded 15,961 others and destroyed 715 houses and 47 churches. Japanese soldiers and policemen mercilessly fired at the unarmed people marching in demonstration on the streets. While students, workers and city people were non-violent in the movement, many peasants used violence to lead the movement in a violent manner(20). Even though the movements ideals were based upon the notion of non-violent, non-confrontational passive resistance. 

These ideals probably originated as a result of the background of the thirty three nationalists leaders behind the movement. Most of these key figures were influenced by the notions and ideals of Christianity and Buddhism. Religions that hold at the basis of their structure a struggle for peace and harmony and the abhor ration of violence, even in the face of confrontation. 

Among some of the factors that enabled the movement to intensify and exist as long as it did, was the participation of religious groups, support from the student base, support from merchants, and effective propaganda. 

Since all political organisations had been dissolved from the instigation of Japanese rule the religious groups were the only nationally established organisations other than the government. Due to this structure, and their involvement within the religious groups, the nationalists could use them as a viable means of communication on a national scale. 

With the participation of student members in the movement their involvement was particularly conspicuous. Japanese government statistics cited by Lee indicate that out of 1,251 schools in Korea (including elementary schools) 203 participated in the movement. The student population consisting of 133,557 saw 11,133 take part in the activity. Also immediately after the demonstration most schools were closed for several weeks, due to either teacher or student strikes. 

The merchants also joined in the movement under the guise of a traditional form of protest - closure. Under the Yi dynasty merchants would close their stores as a show of dissatisfaction with the government. On March 9 of 1919 merchants in Seoul, big and small, closed the doors of their stores and ceased trading for 3-4 weeks until the government placed pressure upon them. These actions would soon spread to the neighbouring cities of InChon and Kaesong. 

What would also emerge during this period were vast amounts of subversive literature, produced by the underground network, that would be posted and distributed. 

Looking at the effects of the March 1st Movement, if its purpose was to establish immediate independence then it was a complete failure. The movement was harshly suppressed by the colonial government, whilst foreign governments (including the US) were uninterested. However what the movement succeeded in doing was to make the world aware of the plight of the Korean people and of their discontent under Japanese rule. 

What would follow in the administration of the colony was also a direct link to the events of the movement. The Governor-General was replaced, and a `Cultural Policy' was inaugurated. 

As the movement attempted no forcible ousting of the Japanese government it should not be termed a revolution. Yet some of the changes brought about by the movement were certainly revolutionary in constitution. The new administration policy would come to tolerate a limited freedom of expression and association. 

Also since students were involved with the movement in positions of leadership and to spread propaganda at the base level of the village, it is self-evident then that the movement was not only for the older generations but for the new as well. Under this notion it should also be reiterated that the socio-historical position women (not just the students, but others) would come to play in the movement was vastly significant. Hitherto the history of Korean women dictated their position as an inferior one, with their appearance in public regarded as improper. 

The change in thinking during the era for a start, linking with the acceptance of foreign ideals and the rejection of Confucianism, also shows a profound change in Korean society, culture, and the patterns of mind-set. This would then put the notions of nationalism that developed as a result of the March 1st Movement of 1919 on a steady road of modernisation. 

The most important historical factors emerging from the movement can be summarised; initially the Koreans exposed the workings of the Empire to the world and succeeded in the implementation of a more lenient Colonial Policy. Secondly, the movement strengthened and provided a force from which future nationalist movements would stem. Thirdly, the movement would stimulate the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai. (See figure 9). Although in 1923 it would split and its force as a potential government was weakened. Fourthly, the event would result in strengthening armed independence movements in Manchuria, particularly the Independence Army who would cross the border to operate in the country. Finally, Koreans were granted limited freedom of press, along with association and assembly of the people. Under this delimited freedom; cultural, agrarian and labour movements would develop. With the `Cultural Policy' that was introduced enabling these factors to occur, only introduced as a matter to appease the growing resentment found in the colony amongst the Koreans - and exhibited in the form of the 3-1 movement. 

  


HISTORICAL EVALUATION: 
Colonialisation & the March 1 Movement. 

Confucianism came to play an important part for the Japanese in the development of Colonial rule over Korea, particularly in the failing years of the Yi Dynasty. What was achieved by the Japanese was the creation of an annexed state under the notion of the formation of a Big-Little brother relationship. Under this guise the Japanese hoped to play upon the use of Confucian precepts and the notion of filial piety. As such Japan came to support the structure of the Confucian and Yang Ban class, under the Puppet Emperor SunJong. This successfully recruited the Confucianist class to the side of the Japanese, from which the Japanese seeking to secure their position of occupation, were able to establish a Mandate of Rule over Korea. 

For the vast majority of Koreans this relationship did not foster the respect or other notions of filial piety that the Japanese had hoped to gain, instead, it fostered bitterness and anger. The Yi Dynasty was a dynasty that had cemented in the Korean mind-set the notion of being a cohesive and independently ruled feudal state. A position that was demolished by the Japanese, from which the remnants of the Yi Dynasty then came to be seen more and more in the light of corruption and viewed perceptively as a Colonial collaborator. This prompted the rise of nationalist organisations that did not hark back to the Yi Dynasty as the Confucianist class did, but looked forward away from the Japanese Colonial regime to a modern and independently democratic Korea ruled by Koreans. 

At this stage the development of modern Korean nationalism began to germinate - a nationalism that would involve a rejection of both the Colonialists and then the Confucianists. With the increasing number of Korean youths exposed to foreign education soaring, so too did the desire for independence from the Colonial regime. Early on in the modern nationalist history of Korea, the Independence Club and it's onmun publication entitled The Independent arose. This then became the spring board that led to the later formation of nationalist movements and to the eventual demonstration that would be categorised in history as the 3-1 movement. 

Even though the Independence Club essentially sought to maintain the Imperialistic structure, although modified, it's importance in the history of modern Korean nationalism is that it would prove to be the only truly progressive movement under the old regime. With its paper published solely in onmun it essentially sought to educate the common masses and try to establish a sense of enlightenment for the nationalist cause. Even though the Club failed in its search for an independently ruled Korea under a modified Imperialistic structure, it succeeded in creating an awareness in the people for a movement centred around the notion of Korean independence from the Japanese - essentially via the unprecedented use of Korean script. The use of this script would have provoked in the common people the ideological notion of a cohesive and solidified Korea which clearly had an independent history and culture differing from that of governing Japan. 

Many young intellectuals who sought the desire of Korean independence were influenced and fashioned by the ideals of the Independence Club and when it was disbanded sought to carry on the life of their ideals through the organisation of a splintered group of nationalist organisations all formed under different banners using as their base differing ideological precepts. Such as the self-determination points of Wilson for the March 1st Movement, the Comintern's thesis on Korean Communism which lead to the rise of Communist/Socialist organisations, and the notion of Anarchy that lead to an increase in terrorist activities toward the Japanese. Essentially then, there proved no ideological unifying force that would bring together the entire nationalist movement as a cohesive front against Japanese Colonial domination. 

In terms of the occupation, although indeed it was harsh, the Japanese did provide Korea with benefits that it would later utilise to improve it's economy after World War Two and the Korean War. Which would then see South Korea develop to become one of the four Mini-Dragons of Asia. 

However the place of this document is to discuss nationalism within Korea, particularly related to the 3-1 Movement. Since this occurred as a result of the Japanese occupation of Korea, it is also important to document some conclusive points relating to this. 

Essentially the Japanese claimed that their rule in Korea established efficiency throughout the nation by the use of reforms. Initially the Japanese focus was on the development of the Korean agricultural sector, probably due to the shortages of rice and other food stuffs in Japan. Land was registered or confiscated, with the task of cultivation then left largely up to the Oriental Development Company. As such the instigation of irrigation techniques, drainage schemes and the intensive use of fertiliser was utilised. Within twenty years the Japanese had succeeded in increasing Korean rice production by one third. In reality though, half of what was produced was syphoned off to meet the needs of Japan, leading to a reduction in the standard of living for the Koreans. This last point is essentially what became a chief complaint by the masses against the Colonial government. 

The Colonial period would also see the development and expansion of public works, fuelled mostly by strategic demands or for Japanese military purposes. So too the communication systems throughout Korea were developed and public health care introduced. This last factor it is presumed can provide an explanation as to why the Korean population actually doubled under the rule of Japan. 

In the later years of the occupation as the Japanese prepared for war, mining sectors were developed along with iron and steel industries. It is the latter which brought the facilities for manufacturing machine tools to Korea. Within a ten year period, the Japanese were able to increase manufacturing by a fifth. 

A lot of the increases in production could have been established due to the fact that the Japanese used forced labour and harsh measures to reach these gains. They were not necessarily achieved by the implementation of a wondrous magic that the Japanese were able to wield in order to achieve vast increases in the areas of economic and agrarian production. Although it is true that the Koreans did not possess much of the technological techniques and advances that were introduced to the country by the Japanese, such as irrigation systems and machinery. 

On the social level the Japanese sought to incorporate Korea within its nation. With the final years before the ending of the Second World War seeing Korea's administration shift from under the Colonial Ministry to that of the Japanese Home Ministry. As a means to bring about assimilation and total domination Japan had initially established new schools and eradicated the teaching of Korean language and history. These were replaced by the official language of the colony, Japanese, and the imposition of Japanese cultural institutions upon the students. This also included fostering an intrinsic loyalty to the Japanese Emperor, the adoption of Japanese names, and the teaching of a modified history - with the implementation of Japanese language used as a basis to instill these things. 

With the uprising of the March 1 Movement of 1919, the Japanese realised that the acceptance of Japanese schooling and cultural institutions did not necessarily mean a docile loyalty to Japan. This was particularly hit home by the never before seen amount of participants in the movement from the educational sector, especially women. In fact the Japanese efforts to foster absorption through education only created a deep resentment which helped contribute to the formation of a modern national consciousness. 

Initially though, as we are aware, the Korean reaction to the occupation came in the form of protest and resistance. As the Japanese sought reform in the nation, it was envisioned that only through the use of harsh measures would they succeed. This then lead to the confiscation of land, forced labour, the re-alignment of education and the formation and use of a military police force that held extreme power and rights over the Korean citizenry. This military police force would only exist in Korea up until 1919. As a result of pressure from the 3-1 Movement the Colonial administration shifted its policy from a `Militarial' stance to that of a `Cultural' one, a civilian policing force was then established, education policies were re-analysed, with a limited freedom of press and association then granted to the people. 

Resulting from the 3-1 movement, Premier of the Home Government Hara Kei adopted the motto of Nissen Yuwa - harmony (between Japan and Korea). Admiral Saito Makoto was then appointed as the new Governor General of Korea. Saito then sought to establish a policy of cooperation in place of coercion. In redressing the grievances of the Korean people, Saito: 
    - "abolished whipping for minor offences 

    - readjusted the dual pay scale between Korean and Japanese civil servants 

    - promised to appoint more Koreans as civil servants, judges, etc. 

    - promised more local autonomy 

    - issued permits for newspapers and allowed a more lenient policy in regards to publications"(21). 
These points were probably granted to the Koreans as Saito believed that if the Colonial regime could be more effective in maintaining general order and stemming the dissident movement, then these limited freedoms could indeed be bestowed upon the people. Additionally with a change in policy instigated and the granting of a perceived improvement in Colonial conditions for the people of Korea, it was probably presumed by the administration that the repulsion felt toward the Colonial power and that resentment to it could be minimalised, if just for a time. 

For the nationalists, particularly for those responsible for the March 1st uprising, the closure of the First World War would hold a remarkable impact. This saw the emergence of the Paris Peace Conference and the presentation of President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points. In particular Point V would be picked up by the Koreans, the one that disclosed self-determination as the right of all democratic nations. Although the `Points' were made in reference to the colonies of the defeated powers, it was hoped that the most could be made out of the changing international situation of the time. 

Outside of Korea, the first response came from the Korean Nationalist Association based in Hawaii. They planned to send a delegation to the Peace Conference and to petition President Wilson to recognise the independence of Korea after the War. Unfortunately their plans did not come to fruition and they ended up petitioning the President through the New York Times. The New Korea Youth Association based in Shanghai however, were successful in their endeavour to send a delegate to the Paris Peace Conference with a petition for Korean independence. Additionally response also came from an unlikely source - Japan. The Korean students studying in Tokyo organised a committee which recommended that a `Declaration of Korean Independence' be sent to the Japanese government. 

The important factor to recognise here is that each of these groups, and the decisions that they made, were conducted autonomously. This allows the historian to clearly perceive the truly disjointed nature of the modern Korean nationalist movement. The fact exists that even though they were essentially seeking the same goal, their was no cohesion between the differing nationalist groups that had been established - whether internal or external to Korea. 

The tension surrounding these events was sharply heightened by the death of King KoJong who, as it was perceived by the masses, had been killed/assassinated by the Japanese. The Kings death for many, also symbolised the death of any hope for an independent Korea. This notion then combined with the actions of the above groups, especially of the latter, prompting the arousal of the nationalist movement within Korea itself. This then instilled a need of urgency for the movement to carry out some form of constructive endeavour for the nationalist plight. 

A gathering of thirty three leaders of the national movement, with a background in Buddhism and Christianity, then banded together to formulate a `Declaration of Independence' for Korea. They chose a date shortly prior to the funeral of the King as many citizens would travel to Seoul, thus allowing the movement to gain high publicity and at least the opportunity for the nationalist cause to be spread by word of mouth. The Declaration was read at 2pm in Seoul and other cities throughout Korea. The people who assembled in Seoul to demonstrate for independence then marched on three key targets: The Palace (the funeral site), the American consulate, and the Colonial Administration building. Although the movement had its origins in terms of a peaceful protest the Japanese responded harshly and the movement soon turned to one of violence, especially in the area around the Colonial Administration building. 

Although essentially the movement was a failure, as it did not gain the required independence of Korea that it sought. It was however, a victory on another front. What is important to recognise is that the depth of the movement, and involvement in it from people of all social levels, is directly linked to the replacement of the Governor-General and the instigation of liberal assimilationist policies by the Colonial regime. Even though the movement was largely ignored by the governments of other nations, it did draw attention to the plight of the Korean people held under Japanese Colonialism. 

The 3-1 Movement as such, lead to four significant historical factors. Principally, they succeeded in instigating a change in colonial policy from `Militarial' to `Cultural'. Secondly, the 3-1 Movement would provide the momentum and style from which other nationalist groups would come to operate; especially the Cultural Nationalists of the 1920's who held steadfast to the tenets of: non confrontation, gradualism, and social development. Thirdly, the need for the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea was envisioned. Finally, the Korean people were provided with a limited amount of democratic freedom - freedom of the press, and freedom of the association and assembly of people. 

The important point to bear in mind is that the 3-1 Movement was a response to the imposition of Colonial rule and the domination that Japan had asserted over Korea during that period of history. As a movement it held the largest impact over anything else that occurred during the years of the occupation. Note, it is also significant to realise that the Korean nationalist movement and the struggle of independence that it pursued was in essence a movement based in passivity. A passive resistance to the Colonial regime that can not be interpreted as truly revolutionary as such. Although the ramifications that the movement held, especially in seeing the change in colonial policy and the replacement of the Governor-General, indeed can be interpreted as revolutionary. 

The passive approach by the Koreans to their Colonial overlords may well have been committed out of fear of the reprisals against armed resistance to the regime. Although the background of the majority of the thirty three leaders of the movement was religious, either Christian or a stem of Buddhism. With this in mind it is possible to see from their backgrounds how the base of the movement arose from passivity - both religions tend to stress non-violence and a peaceful or passive means of reaching arbitration or resolving conflict. The passive base of resistance might also be intrinsically linked to the mind-set of the Korean people themselves. Where it can be seen that throughout history, they have been kept down by their neighbours - attacked, dominated, and occupied from all sides. Or perhaps they thought, that if enough attention could be drawn to their plight and conditions, that assistance for independence would have come from the International community. 

On the whole, as has been recorded, the 3-1 Movement was a failure in the sense that it did not achieve the independence that it sought. Even until the present day total independence for Korea is yet to occur, with the nation still split between North and South at the 38th parallel. 

What should be remembered is that the nationalist movements that arose under the Colonial regime were essentially movements of passive resistance with their main task to establish a firm sense of unity and then instill the ideology of nationalism within the mind-set of the Korean people. Indeed independence from the Colonial regime came from the Japanese themselves, with the surrender of the Emperor in 1945 resulting from the Allied bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki - the first time in history that nuclear weapons were used directly upon a civilian populace. 

The 3-1 movements main success came in the fact that it was able to change the thinking of the Korean people, leading to the rejection of tradition and to the search for a new ideology. An ideology that would establish the continued drive for nationalism amongst the Korean people and well into the era after the Colonial period. A drive that resulted in the differing ideologies of Democratic and Socialist nationalism, centred around Seoul and P'yongyang respectively, rise to the fore. A rise that would eventuate in spurring the ideological confrontations that lead to a Korean civil war documented in history, as the Korean War. 



RESEARCH OBSTRUCTION:  
The Problems of Research. 

As it is common knowledge that the Japanese present a biased slant of history to their citizens, much the same can be said about Korea. Texts on the role of Japan in the War tend to remove the role of Japan as an aggressor and play up its position as a victim of nuclear holocaust. Similarly in Korea, the Koreans depict themselves as total victims at the mercy of an unrelentless Japanese invading force. 

Although similar data is recorded in all English texts, the way the Koreans present this material is with extreme bias, and through the extreme use of `loaded' terminology. 

Within the nation, as Koreans present themselves as total victims. The language used to present the history of the Colonial period would therefore be presented with obvious feelings of hostility and resentment, and should be understood in this light. With terminology such as "the Japanese Aggression Period", and other `loaded' terms expected to be found depicting the events of the era. 

On an international level, it is easy to depict this from looking at Korean based servers and sites on the graphical Internet (the World-Wide-Web) that hold information relating to Korean history. An historical time line concerning the Colonial period found at the Korea Web Weekly home-page, talks of the Korean guerilla forces as "handsome, educated and well-behaved". A group that is also listed as stealing ("gathering up") weaponry before beginning to "fade away into their mountain lairs". There is also mention of collaborators and traitors as "Jap lovers"(22). Another site, on Korean History, lists the Colonial period as the Dark Age of Korea, and the Period of Korean Cultural Erasures, and that the Korean people were tricked by the Japanese into forming a protectorate under Japan(23). It should also be highlighted that this home-page lists the Japanese Colonial Domination as the "world('s) worst, (most) atrocious and most wicked (act made by the) Japanese sovereign", and that "Endless resistance (was) made by Korean people". In reality though the Protectorate Treaty of 1907 was signed by the Koreans as, true to their history, they wished to side with a force that would help prevent invasion on another front - in this case from Russia. It is however an historical reality that the Protectorate Treaty then lead to the Annexation Treaty that soon followed, allowing the Japanese to begin their Colonial domination. The question really is; was it indeed the worst phase of Korean history as has been depicted by the above sites and (translated) Korean history texts? So too, was the Japanese occupation of Korea indeed "the world's worst, most atrocious and most wicked act made by the Japanese sovereign"? 

Korea has been dominated on all sides, and also waged war against attackers themselves. Throughout history eliciting help from the Japanese when the Chinese attacked them, and eliciting help from the Chinese when the Japanese attacked them. Korea as such has always found itself in the centre of turmoil and war. The Colonial period under the Japanese for the current generation of Koreans, possibly serves as a modern reminder of the continued attacks on the Korean people throughout their history by all of their surrounding Asian neighbours, and serves as the modern nucleus for national resentment towards the notion of foreign encroachment. 



APPENDICES  
APPENDIX A: 
Genealogy of the Yi Dynasty
 

APPENDIX B: 
Map of Korea During the Yi Dynasty
 

APPENDIX C: 
Map of Korea Since 1910
 

APPENDIX D:
Map of North & South Korea Today*
 
 
*These maps were found on the Microsoft Encarta 95 CD-Rom 
APPENDIX E: 
President Woodrow Wilson's
Fourteen Points*
  
8 JANUARY, 1918:

It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view. 

We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The programme of the world's peace, therefore, is our programme; and that programme, the only possible programme, as we see it, is this: 
    I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. 

    II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. 
    III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. 
    IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. 
    V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. 
    VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy. 
    VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired. 
    VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all. 
    IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality. 
    X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development. 
    XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into. 
    XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees. 
    XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant. 
    XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike. 

In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end. 

For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this programme does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this programme that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace- loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world, -- the new world in which we now live, -- instead of a place of mastery. 

* Found at: http://www.lib.byu.edu/~rdh/wwi/1918/14points.html 
   Last Updated: April 16 1995. 
   Page Administrator: pdean@erinet.com 



APPENDIX F:  
The National Congress Manifesto*

"How miserable are our 20 000 000 compatriots. Do you know the reason for the sudden demise of His Majesty the Emperor? He has been always healthy and there was no news of his illness. But he has suddenly expired at midnight in his sleeping chamber. Would this be ordinary? As we advocated the national independence in the Paris Peace Conference, the cunning Japanese produced a certificate stating that `The Korean people are happy with Japanese rule and do not wish to separate from the Japanese', in order to cover the eyes and ears of the world. Yi Wan-Yong signed it as the representative of the nobility; Kim Yun-Sik signed it as the representative of the scholars; Yun T'aek-Yong signed it as the representative of the royal relatives; Cho Chung-Ung and Song Pyong-Jun signed it as social representatives; Shin Hung-U signed it as the representative of educational and religious fields. It was then submitted to His Majesty for his royal seal - the worst crime possible. His majesty was most enraged and reprimanded them. They did not know what to do, and fearing other incidents in the future, they finally decided to assassinate His Majesty. Yun Tok-Yong and Han Sang-Hak, two traitors, were made to serve His Majesty's dinner, and poison was secretly added to his food at night through the two waiting women. 

The Royal Body was immediately torn by agony and soon the Emperor took his last breath. There is no way to describe the pain and agony in our hearts. The two women were also put to death by poison, immediately, so that the intrigue might not be leaked out. The hands of the brigands are becoming more obvious, and cruelty is running to extremes. We have not yet revenged the humiliation of the past (the murder of the queen). And yet another calamity is brought upon us. Ask the blue sky who is incurring these misfortunes. If our people still exist, how could we neglect to cleanse these humiliations? Since the American President proclaimed the Fourteen Points, the voice of national self-determination has swept the world, and twelve nations, including Poland, Ireland and Czechoslovakia, have obtained independence. How could we, the people of the great Korean nation, miss this opportunity? Our compatriots abroad are utilising this opportunity to reform the world and recover us the ruined nation. If the entire nation rises in unity, we may recover our lost national rights and save the already ruined nation. 

Also, in order to revenge the mortal foe of His Majesty and Her Highness, our 20 000 000 compatriots, arise! 

January, thirteenth year of Yung-Hi (1919). 

Kungmin TaeHoe (Sealed - The Independents)." 

In addition leaflets to the effect of the following were also posted: 

"Oh, our compatriots: 

The opportunity to take revenge against the enemy of the Royal Emperor and recover the national sovereignty has come. Rise in unanimity and help carry out the great deed. 

January, thirteenth year of Yung-Hi. 

Kungmin Taehoe" 


*As found in Lee, Chong-Sik., Politics of Korean Nationalism (Berkeley: University of California Press), 1963. p. 111-112. 



APPENDIX G:  
The Proclamation of Korean Independence*

"We herewith proclaim the independence of Korea and the liberty of the Korean people. We tell it to the world in witness of the equality of all nations and we pass it on to our posterity as their inherent right. 

We make this proclamation, having back of us 5000 years of history, and 20000000 of a united loyal people. We take this step to insure to our children for all time to come, personal liberty in accord with the awakening consciousness of this new era. This is the clear leading of God, the moving principle of the present age, the whole human race's just claim. It is something that cannot be stamped out, or stifled, or gagged, or suppressed by any means. 

Victims of an older age, when brute force and the spirit of plunder ruled, we have come after these long thousands of years to experience the agony of ten years of foreign expression, with every loss to the right to live, every restriction of the freedom of thought, every damage done to the dignity of life, every opportunity lost for a share in the intelligent advance of the age in which we live. 

Assuredly, if the defects of the past are to be rectified, if the agony of the present is to be unloosed, if the future oppression is to be avoided, if thought is to be set free, if right of action is to be given a place, if we are to attain to any way of progress, if we are to deliver our children from the painful, shameful heritage, if we are to leave blessing and happiness intact for those who succeed us, the first of all necessary things is the clear cut independence of our people. What cannot our twenty million do, every man with sword in heart, in this day when human nature and conscience are making a stand for truth and right? What barrier can we not break, what purpose can we not accomplish? 

We have no desire to accuse Japan of breaking many solemn treaties since 1636, nor to single out specially the teachers in the schools or government officials who treat the heritage of our ancestors as a colony of their own, and our people and their civilisation as a nation of savages, finding delight only in beating us down and bringing us under their heel. 

We have no wish to find special fault with Japan's lack of fairness or her contempt of our civilisation and the principles on which her state rests; we, who have greater cause to reprimand ourselves, need not spend precious time in finding fault with others; neither need we, who require so urgently to build for the future, spend useless hours over what is past and gone. Our urgent need to-day is the setting up of this house of ours and not a discussion of who has broken it down, or what has caused its ruin. Our work is to clear the future of defects in accord with the earnest dictates of conscience. Let us not be filled with bitterness or resentment over past agonies or past occasions for anger. 

Our part is to influence the Japanese government, dominated as it is by the old idea of brute force which thinks to run counter to reason and universal law, so that it will change, act honestly and in accord with the principles of right and truth. 

The result of annexation, brought about without any conference with the Korean people, is that the Japanese, indifferent to us, use every kind of partiality for their own, and by false set of figures show a profit and loss account between us two peoples most untrue, digging a trench of everlasting resentment deeper and deeper the farther they go. 

Ought not the way of enlightened courage to be to correct the evils of the past by ways that are sincere, and by true sympathy and friendly feeling make a new world in which the two peoples will be equally blessed? 

To bind by force twenty millions of resentful Koreans will mean not only loss of peace forever for this part of the Far East, but also will increase the ever growing suspicion of four hundred millions of Chinese - upon whom depends the danger or safety of the Far East - besides strengthening the hatred of Japan. From this all the rest of the East will suffer. To-day Korean independence will mean not only daily life and happiness for us, but also it would mean Japan's departure from an evil way and exaltation to the place of true protector of the East, so that China, too, even in her dreams, would put all fear of Japan aside. This thought comes from no minor resentment, but from a large hope for the future welfare and blessing of mankind. 

A new era wakes before our eyes, the old world of force is gone, and the new world of righteousness and truth is here. Out of the experience and avail of the old world arises this light on life's affairs. The insects stifled by the foe and snow of winter awake at this same time with the breezes of spring and the soft light of the sun upon them. 

It is the day of the restoration of all things on the full tide of which we set forth, without delay or fear. We desire a full measure of satisfaction in the way of liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and an opportunity to develop what is in us for the glory of our people. 

We awake now from the old world with its darkened conditions in full determination and one heart and one mind, with right on our side, along with the forces of nature, to a new life. May all the ancestors to the thousands and ten thousand generations aid us from within and all the force of the world aid us from without, and let the day we take hold be the day of our attainment. In this hope we go forward. 
Three Items of Agreement
    1. This work of ours is in belief of truth, religion and life, undertaken at the request of our people, in order to make known their desire for liberty. Let no violence be done to any one. 
    2. Let those who follow us, every man, all the time, every hour, show forth with gladness this same mind. 
    3. Let all things be done decently and in order, so that our behaviour to the very end may be honourable and upright". 

The 4252nd year of the Kingdom of Korea 3d Month 

Representatives of the people. 

The signatures attached to the document are: 

Son Pyung-Hi, Kil sun-Chu, Yi Pil-Chu, Paik Yong-Sung, Kim Won-Kyu, Kim Pyung-Cho, Kim Chang-Choon, Kwon Dong-Chin, Kwon Byung-Duk, Na Yong-Whan, Na In-Hup, Yang Chun-Paik, Yang Han-Mook, Lew Yer-Dai, Yi Kop-Sung, Yi Mung-Yong, Yi Seung-Hoon, Yi Chong-Hoon, Yi Chong-Il, Lim Yei-Whan, Pak Choon-Seung, Pak Hi-Do, Pak Tong-Wan, Sin Hong-Sik, Sin Suk-Ku, Oh Sei-Chang, Oh Wha-Young, Chung Choon-Su, Choi Sung-Mo, Choi In, Han Yong-Woon, Hong Byung-Ki, Hong Ki-Cho. 


* The Proclamation of Independence was found in McKenzie, F. A., Korea's Fight for Freedom (2nd ed.) (Seoul: Yonsei University Press), 1969. p. 247-258.  


APPENDIX H: 
Arrests relating to the 3-1 Movement*
Broken Down Into Classifications:
Number of Arrested by Province or Region
Religious Affiliation of the Arrested
Educational Level of the Arrested
Age Level of the Arrested
Occupation of the Arrested

NUMBER OF ARRESTED, BY PROVINCE OR REGION
Province or Region 
Male
Female
Kyonggi 
(Seoul - 337 men, 128 Women) 
3349  141 
North Chung Chong  578  --- 
South Chung Chong  681 
North Kyong Sang  2103  22 
South Kyong Sang  2377  72 
North Cholla  622  17 
South Cholla  785 
Hwang Hae  2495  85 
North Pyong An  1180  26 
South Pyong An  1541  46 
Kang Won  1156 
North Ham Gyong  633  26 
South Ham Gyong  1383 
Siberia and Manchuria  171 
TOTAL:  19054  471 


RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION OF THE ARRESTED
Denomination 
Male
Female
Total
Ch'ondogyo  2268  15  2283 
Shich'ongyo  14  ---  14 
Buddhist  220  ---  220 
Confucianist  346  ---  346 
Methodist  518  42  560 
Presbyterian  2254  232  2486 
Congregational  ---  7 
Other Protestants  286  34  320 
Catholics  54  55 
Other religions  21  ---  21 
No religious affiliation  9255  49  9304 
Unknown 
3809
98  3907 


EDUCATIONAL LEVEL OF THE ARRESTED
Education  Male  Female  Total 
High school or above  81  82 
Middle school  697  77  774 
Elementary school  2846  156  3002 
Classic country-school  3751  3754 
Can read and write  1220  46  1266 
No education  6031  94  6125 
Unknown  4428  94  4522 
Total  19054  471  19525 


AGE LEVEL OF THE ARRESTED
Age In Years  Male  Female  Total 
Under 18  980  97  1077 
19 - 20  1403  100  1503 
21-25  3880  114  3994 
26-30  3272  38  3310 
31-40  4479  46  4525 
41-50  2492  28  2520 
51-60  1407  27  1434 
61-70  541  547 
Above 70  87  89 
Unknown  513  13  526 
TOTAL  19504  471  19525 


OCCUPATION OF THE ARRESTED 

Occupation 

Male 

Female 

Total 
Middle-school Teachers: 
Public schools 
Private schools 


58 

--- 
22 


80 
Primary-school Teachers: 
Public schools 
Private schools 

23 
272 


40 

25 
312 
College Students: 
Public schools 
Private schools 

73 
58 

--- 

73 
62 
Middle-school students: 
Public schools 
Private schools 

363 
555 

13 
52 

376 
607 
Primary-school students: 
Public schools 
Private schools 

360 
373 

12 
73 

372 
446 
Heads of Local Government  51  ---  51 
Myon office clerks  153  ---  153 
Government or Corporation employees  137  141 
Medical doctors  81  ---  81 
Clerical service  25  ---  25 
Monks (Buddhist)  120  ---  120 
Christian workers: 
Ministers 
Evangelists & Teachers 
Elders 

54 
114 
61 

--- 
13 

54 
127 
63 
 
Ch'ondogyo workers: 
Heads & districts 
Evangelists & teachers 
Other officers 

26 
58 
38 

--- 


26 
59 
40 
Farmers  10823  41  10864 
Fishermen  50  ---  50 
Mine Workers & Mine Operators  17  ---  17 
Stone Workers  11  ---  11 
Metal Workers  60  ---  60 
Machine & Tool makers  40  41 
Weavers, Dyers  31  ---  31 
Paper producers  12  ---  12 
Leather & Rubber workers  54  ---  54 
Wood & Bamboo workers  10  ---  10 
Public service  383  73  456 
Food-products workers  55  57 
Clothing workers, Costume makers  87  93 
Construction, Civil engineering  15  ---  15 
Printing, Photography  30  ---  30 
Barbers  63  ---  63 
Industry  61  ---  61 
Grain merchants  193  ---  193 
Drug merchants  73  ---  73 
Sundry-goods merchants  496  497 
Brokers  41  ---  41 
Second-hand merchants  35  ---  35 
Warehouse operators  60  ---  60 
Inn & 
Restaurant operators 
233  237 
Business people  475  478 
Transportation business  --- 
Servants, Daily hire, etc.  739  744 
General labourers  254  ---  254 
Unemployed  1053  75  1128 
Unknown  535  20  555 
TOTAL  19054  471  19525 


* Tables found in Lee, Chong-Sik., Politics of Korean Nationalism, (Berkeley: University of California Press), 1963. pp. 115-118. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY :
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easc@indiana.edu East Asia Studies Centre (http://www.easc.indiana.edu)., Last updated February 27, 1995. 

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pdean@erinet.com President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points (http://www.lib.byu.edu/~rdh/wwi/1918/14points.html)., Last updated April 16, 1995. 

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webmaster@asiannet.com AsianNet (http://www.asiannet.com/). 

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BIBLIOGRAPHY  
Texts

Brun, E., & Hersh, J., Socialist Korea: A Case Study in the Strategy of Economic Development (America: Monthly Review Press), 1976. 

Choi, Woon-Sang., The Fall Of The Hermit Kingdom (New York: Oceana Publications), 1967. 

Conference on Korea, (Proceedings)., Korea Under Japanese Colonial Rule: Studies on the Policies and Techniques of Japanese Colonialism (Centre for Korean Studies, Institute of International and Area Studies, Western Michigan University), 1973. 

Conroy, H., Japanese Seizure of Korea A Study of Realism and Idealism in International Relations (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press), 1974 

Cook, H. F., & MacDougall, A. M., Korea's Tragic Hours The Closing Years of the Yi Dynasty (Seoul: Taewon Publishing Co.), 1973. 

Etienne, M., & Leacock, E., (editors) Women and Colonialization Anthropological Perspectives (New York: Praeger Publishers), 1980. 

Ha, Ki-Rak., A History of the Korean Anarchist Movement (Korea: Anarchist Publishing Committee), 1986. 

Hyon So-Whon., (editor)., Korea Annual: A Comprehensive Handbook on Korea (Korea: Yonhap News Agency), July 1990. 

Korean National Commission for UNESCO, (Editors), Main Currents of Korean Thought (Korea: Si-sa-yong-o-sa Publishers Inc.), 1983. 

Lee, Chong-Sik., Politics of Korean Nationalism (Berkeley: University of California Press), 1963. 
Lee, Man-Gap., Sociology and Social Change in Korea (Korea: Seoul National University Press), 1984. 

Lone, S., & McCormack, G., Korea Since 1850 (Melbourne: Longman Cheshire), 1993. 

McKenzie, F. A., Korea's Fight for Freedom (2nd ed.) (Seoul: Yonsei University Press), 1969. 

Myers, R. H., & Peattie, M. R., The Japanese Colonial Empire 1895-1945 (America: Princeton University Press), 1984. 

McNamara, D., L., The Colonial Origins of Korean Enterprise 1910-1945 (America: Cambridge University Press), 1990. 

Shin, Chang-Hyun., et. al., (Translated)., Challenges for Women Women's Studies in Korea (Seoul: Ehwa Womans University Press), 1991. 

Wells, Kenneth., New God, New Nation: Protestants and Self-Reconstruction Nationalism in Korea 1896-1937 (Sydney: Allen & Unwin), 1990. 



FOOTNOTES: 

1. Lenin, V. I., "Sochinenya (works), vol. 15, 4th ed." (Moscow: Progress Publishers), 1947. p. 161, as found in Brun, E., and Hersh, J., Socialist Korea: A Case Study in the strategy of Economic Development (New York: Monthly Review Press), 1976. 

2. Ibid. 

3. Kon Yushida., "Overland Transportation in Chosen" as found in Japan and ManchuKou, 1935-36 (Tokyo: Japan Publishing Co.), 1936., p 79. 

4. Osgood (Expatriate writer) quoted in Brun, E., and Hersh, J., op.cit. 

5. Ibid. 

6. Ha, Ki-Rak., A History of Korean Anarchist Movement (Korea: Anarchist Publishing Committee), 1986., p. 23. 

7. For a genealogy of the Yi dynasty please review Appendix A. 

8. Annual Report on Reforms and Progress in Chosen Since Annexation (Keijo: Chosen Sotokufu), 1913., p. 210. As found in Kang, Wi-Jo., "Japanese Rule and Korean Confucianism" in the Conference on Korea, (Proceedings)., Korea Under Japanese Colonial Rule: Studies on the Policies and Techniques of Japanese Colonialism (Centre for Korean Studies, Institute of International and Area Studies, Western Michigan University), 1973. 

9. The Five Relationships as dictated by Confucianism are heavily scented with notions of filial piety, and are ranked here in order: 

1. From subject to Emperor 

2. From wife to Husband 

3. From children to parent 

4. From younger sibling to elder sibling 

5. From friend to friend 

10. As quoted in Lee, Chong-Sik., Politics of Korean Nationalism (Berkeley: University of California Press), 1963., p. 61. 

11. As reproduced in Ibid., p. 65. 

12. Conference on Korea, (Proceedings)., op.cit. 

13. Ibid. 

14. Henderson, G., "Japan's Chosen: Immigrants, Ruthlessness and Development Shock" in Nahm, pp. 261-269. In Myers, R. H., & Peattie, M. R., The Japanese Colonial Empire 1895-1945 (America: Princeton University Press), 1984., p. 20. 

15. Suh, Dae-Sook., "The Korean Revolutionary Movement: A brief Evaluation of Ideology and Leadership"., in the Conference on Korea., op.cit., p. 186. 

16. Lee, Chong-Sik., op.cit., p. 103. 

17. Shin, Yong-Ha., "Re-evaluation of the Sam-Il Independence Movement" as found in the Korean National Commission for UNESCO, (Editors), Main Currents of Korean Thought (Korea: Si-sa-yong-o-sa Publishers Inc.), 1983., p. 281. 

18. Lee, Chong-Sik., op.cit., p. 114. 

19. Yoshino, Sakuzo., Chosen Bodo Zengosaku (Our Policy in Korea Before and After the Uprising) in Chuo Koron, XXXIV:4 (April, 1919)., pp. 121-122. As quoted by Myers, R. H., & Peattie, M. R., op.cit., p. 106. 

20. Shin, Yong-Ha., "Re-evaluation of the Sam-Il Independence movement" as found in the Korean National Commission for UNESCO, (Editors), op.cit., p. 280. 

21. Korean Studies at UC - Berkeley., (http://violet.berkeley.edu/~korea/history.html). 

22. Info@kimsoft.com Korea Web Weekly (http://www.kimsoft.com/korea.htm). 

23. Korea site Korean History (http://bora.dacom.co.kr/~mssj/history.html).